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3 1833 01747 7321 

973. ( 










Copyrighted, 1882 





The New Hampshire Grants, by John L. Rice, 

The New York Charter, 1664 and 1674, by Orsamus H. Marshall 

The Huguenots of Virginia, by William Pope Dabney, 

Sully Prudhomme to America. A Poem, 

Reply to Sully Prudhomme, by Emma Lazarus, 

The Battle of Harlem Plains. Additional Documents, 

Notes, Queries, and Replies, 50, 138, 221, 291, 434, 507, 573, 6 

Bibliography of Major Andre, by Charles A. Campbell, 

Literary Notices, . 73, 152, 231, 301, 358, 371, 446, 516, 578 

Register of Books Received, ...... 

Morton of Merry Mount, by B. F. De Costa, . 
The Secret Service of the Revolution, by Henry P. Johnston, 
Dongan, the Great Colonial Governor, by P. F. Dealy, S. J.^ 
Valley Forge, by Henry B. Carrington, .... 

Bishop Seabury, the Westchester Farmer, by D. Williams, 
New Light on the Voyage of Verrazano, by J. Carson Brevoort 
Diary of the Siege of Boston, . 
The Declaration of Benedict Arnold, .... 

The Cosmography of Andre Thevet, . 

Proceedings of Societies, . . 150, 230, 298, 369, 442, 51 

The Colonization of Texas, by R. M. Potter, . 

Whale-Boat Privateersmen of the Revolution, by Charles Burr Todd 

La Salle and the Mississippi, 1 682-1882, . 

Baron Steuben, by William North, contributed by W 
Sir Henry Clinton's MSS., .... 
Miss Jane McCrea, by Charles A. Campbell, . 
Sketch of William Graham, by William Hall, . 
The Yorktown Mulberry Tree, 

L. Stone, 

4, 64 

, 699, 

■ 7 


o, 70* 





3 1 





I \2 





The Journal of the Rev. John Graham, 206 

Betty Washington's Tea, . . . ... . . . . . .213 

The Statue of William Pitt, 214 

The Memorial History of Boston, by B. F. De Costa, 233 

Sketch of John W. Draper, by Benjamin N. Martin, 240 

Indian Languages of the Pacific States and Territories, and of the Pueblos of 

New Mexico, 254 

Roger Ludlowe, by William A. Beers, 264 

Longfellow in his Relation to American History, by B. F. De Costa, . .272 
New York Pending the Revolution, contributed by Mary E. Bleecker, . .279 

Early French Voyages to Newfoundland, 286 

Robert Cavalier de la Salle, of Rouen, by Gabriel Gravier, .... 305 
The Origin and Development of the Municipal Government of New York City. 

I. The Dutch Period, by John Franklin Jameson, . . . . .315 
Peekskill during the Revolutionary War, by Charles A. Campbell, . . .331 

Cavalier Jouet, the Loyalist, 336 

An Old Mohawk Valley House, by S. L. Frey, 337 

The Franklin, Rochambeau, and Force Papers, by H. P. Johnston, . . . 346 
Extracts from a Merchant's Letters, 1 784-1 786, . , . . . .351 

The Boston Martyrs, 355 

The Tragedy of Stephen Ball, 356 

The Death of General Huger, . . . . . . . . . .357 

Eagles and Fish-hawks on the Hudson, ...#.... 358 

The Annexation of Texas, by Lyon Gardiner Tyler, 377 

Joshua Forman, the Founder of Syracuse, by Ellen E. Dickinson, . . . 400 
The Great Northwest, the Nature of the Titles by which it has been Held, by 

Isaac Smucker, 408 

The Picturesque in the American Revolution, by Davis Brodhead, . . .420 

French Spoliation Claims, . 426 

Discrimination against American Prisoners in England during the Revolution, . 428 

The Track of the Norseman, by Joseph Story Fay, 431 

Pricking an Historical Bubble, by Hugh Hastings, 449 

The Cooper Monument, ........... 469 

Captain Thomas Morris in the Country of the Illinois, by Henry C. Van 

Schaack, 470 



Lord Baltimore's Colony of Avalon, 480 

Verrazano proved to be the First Explorer of the Atlantic Coast of the United 

States, by J. Carson Brevoort, 481 

Acadia in the Revolution, by George J. Varney, 486 

De Kalb, Gates, and the Camden Campaign, by H. P. Johnston, . . . 496 

A Lake Champlain Gunboat of 1760, 498 

Some Colonial Letters, communicated by J. Carson Brevoort, by J. Esten 

Cooke, Jeremiah Colburn, and George M. Champney, .... 500 

The Earl of Northampton to King James, 505 

Old Pelham and New Rochelle, by William Hague, 521 

The St. Clair Papers, by Henry P. Johnston, 538 

The Princeton Surprise, 1777, by Gen. William S. Stryker, .... 550 

The Two Hundred and Seventy-fifth Anniversary of the Landing at the Ken- 
nebec, by B. F. De Costa, . . . . . . . . .555 

Garfield and American History, . . . . . . . . .561 

The Tomb of the Gorges at St. Budeaux, by B. F. De Costa, .... 562 

Evacuation of Ticonderoga, .......... 566 

York and Albany, by Prof. Charles E. Anthon, 581 

The Record Book of Col. John Todd, by Edward G. Mason, . . . .586 

A Pilgrim Memorial, by E. D., . . 597 

Origin and Development of the Municipal Government of New York City. II. 

By John Franklin Jameson, . . 598 

Sketch of John C. Calhoun, by George F. Cushman, 612 

Origin of the Creoles, . . . . . . . . . . .619 

The La Salle " Memoir," by Henry H. Hurlbut, 620 

Sir Robert Carr in Maine, by Charles E. Banks, 623 

Battle of Harlem Plains, contributed by William Kelby, 627 

Side Lights upon the Presidential Campaign of 1824-25, a Letter by P. P. F. 

De Grand, contributed by Jeremiah Colburn, 627 

William Penn and the Bi-centenary of the Founding of Pennsylvania, by Daniel 

Williams, 645 

Thomas Wynne, Chirurgeon, by Wharton Dickinson, 662 

The Landing at New Castle, 665 

William Penn's Likeness, 666 

Bancroft's History of the Formation of the Constitution, by B. F. De Costa, . 669 



William L 

Princeton and Ticonderoga, 1777, Reply to the Review on "The St. Clair 
Papers," by William Henry Smith, ...... 

The Hartford Convention of 1 780, communicated by George Bancroft, 

Colonel Varick and Arnold's Treason, by H. P. Johnston, 

The Pawnee Indians, their Habits and Customs, by John B. Dunbai 

I, one Chief and Medicine Bull, by John B. Dunbar, . 

The Origin of Thanksgiving Day, by B. F. De Costa, . . 

The Inventor of the Submarine Torpedo, .... 

The Washington Pedigree and Shield, by H. P. Johnston, 

The Beginnings of Transatlantic Steam Navigation, contributed by 
Stone, .......... 

Plymouth Rock Restored, by Prof. Herbert B. Adams, . 

Plymouth before the Pilgrims, by B. F. De Costa, 

Samoset and New England Colonization, by Rums King Sewall, 

The Evacuation of Charleston, S. C, 1782, .... 

Sumner's "Andrew Jackson," by Prof. George B. Newcomb, . 

The Confederation Period of the Republic, .... 

The Voyage of Martin Pring, ...... 

The Seven Articles of the Church of Leyden, 

Why did the Pilgrims leave Holland ? 

The Mayflower Compact, ....... 

Original Letter on Penn's Patent, 

Commission of Captain Thomas Holmes, .... 

Trading Towns and Posts in New England about 1675, communicated by J. M 
Thompson of the British Museum, ... .... 










Boundary Map of the New Hampshire Grants, 
Seal of Vermont, . ...... 

Seal of the Province of New York, 

Portrait of Major Benjamin Tallmadge, steel engraving by Hall 

Encampment at Valley Forge, .... 

The Pott House, Washington's Headquarters at Valley Forge, steel et 

by Barry, from a drawing by Hosier, 
Medal of the Alliance between France and the United States, 
Louis XVI., Marie Antoinette, and the Dauphin, 
Portrait of Baron Steuben, steel engraving by Hall ; . 
Captain Marriner's Tavern, New York City, . 
A Section of Joutel's Map, 1713, . 
Statue of William Pitt, Charleston, S. C, 
Portrait of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, steel engraving by 
Room in Pueblo of Taos, New Mexico, 
Restoration of Pueblo Hungo Pavie, New Mexico, . 

A Maida Girl, 

Portrait of Robert Cavelier de la Salle, steel engraving by Hall 

The Frey House, Mohawk Valley, N. Y., 

Portrait of John Tyler, steel engraving by Hall, 

Portrait of John Quincy Adams, steel engraving by Hall, . 

Map of the Camden Campaign, 

A Lake Champlain Gunboat of 1760, 

Portrait of Peter Faneuil, steel engraving by Hall, . 

The Gorges Tomb at St. Budeaux, .... 

Portrait of James, Duke of York and Albany, steel engraving by Hall, 

Medallion of the Duke of York, .... 

The Good Samaritan Shilling, 

Portrait of William Penn, steel engraving by Hall, . 




Seal and Signatures of Penn's Plan, 1682, 
Penn Treaty Medal, .... 

Penn's Declaration, 1702, 

Jordan Meeting-House and Burial-Ground 

Fac-simile Autograph of Thomas Wynne, 

Bevan's Medallion of Penn, 

Portrait of Penn by West, 

Diagram of the area of Population in New Haven, 

Portrait of Colonel Richard Varick, steel engraving by Hall, 

Portrait of Medicine Bull, engraved on wood by Richardson, 

Portrait of Lone Chief, engraved on wood by Richardson 

Fac-simile of Autograph of David Bushnell, 

The Washington Shield, ...... 

Fac-simile of Inscription on the Washington Tombstone at Sul 

Fac-simile from the Constitutional Gazette, 1765, 

Portrait of Frederic de Peyster, steel engraving, 

Portrait of Captain John Smith, steel engraving by Hall 

Map of the Explorations of the Pilgrims on Cape Cod, 

Portrait of Miles Standish, 

Blaskowitz's Map of Plymouth, 

Plymouth Rock as it is, . 

Pring's Harbor, .... 

Champlain's Plan of Plymouth Harbor, 
Charleston, S. C, during the British Siege, 1780, 
View of Charleston, S. C, 1776, 










Seal and Signatures of Penn's Plan, 1682, 

Penn Treaty Medal, .... 

Penn's Declaration, 1702, 

Jordan Meeting-House and Burial-Ground 

Fac-simile Autograph of Thomas Wynne, 

Bevan's Medallion of Penn, 

Portrait of Penn by West, 

Diagram of the area of Population in New Haven, 

Portrait of Colonel Richard Varick, steel engraving by Hall, 

Portrait of Medicine Bull, engraved on wood by Richardson, 

Portrait of Lone Chief, engraved on wood by Richardson 

Fac-simile of Autograph of David Bushnell, 

The Washington Shield, 

Fac-simile of Inscription on the Washington Tombstone at Sul 

Fac-simile from the Constitutional Gazette, 1765, 

Portrait of Frederic de Peyster, steel engraving, 

Portrait of Captain John Smith, steel engraving by Hall 

Map of the Explorations of the Pilgrims on Cape Cod, 

Portrait of Miles Standish, 

Blaskowitz's Map of Plymouth, 

Plymouth Rock as it is, . 

Pring's Harbor, .... 

Champlain's Plan of Plymouth Harbor, 

Charleston, S. C, during the British Siege, 1780, 

View of Charleston, S. C, 1776, 








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Vol. VIII JANUARY 1882 No. 1 



THE first free assembly of New Hampshire, elected as such, met at 
Exeter, on December 18, 1776. No one of the colonies had arrived 
at the era of independence with less of preparation. In none of 
them had the transition marked by the Declaration of Independence been 
more abrupt. Unlike the other New England Colonies, New Hampshire 
had never had a charter, nor anything answering to a framework of con- 
stitutional government such as existed elsewhere in America. The gov- 
ernment of the colony had been as nearly absolute in form as the most 
strained construction of the British Constitution would allow. The royal 
governors had admitted the people to the smallest possible share in legisla- 
tion. Nothing but the traditional town system had preserved the spirit 
of liberty and a practical knowledge of affairs sufficient to inspire the new 
assembly with courage equal to its task. The barest skeleton of a free 
state was present to its hand. The last provincial congress of the colony, 
held after the suspension of the royal authority, and which " took up civil 
government" on January 5, 1776, had indeed constructed a rude constitu- 
tion — a sort of stepping-stone from the old to the new. Some such device 
the situation had imperatively demanded. Although an unequivocal social 
compact had thus been entered into, with the substantial result of a body 
politic which had taken the name of the State of New Hampshire, still 
the chief work of organization remained to be done. 

To such a task had the Exeter Assembly come. War without and in- 
experience within were the conditions under which it was to be performed. 
Appalling as were these difficulties, a greater perhaps than either presented 
itself at the very outset. On the first day of the session, instead of repre- 
sentatives, there came from a large number of towns in the northern and 
eastern part of the State, angry protests against the legitimacy of the new 
government, coupled with explicit refusals to be represented in it or con- 


sidered a part of it. The disaffected towns, nearly fifty in number, suddenly 
asserted the right to decide, each for itself, what should be deemed an in- 
fraction of the compact of January 5th, and to pass definitively upon the 
extent of the obligation which it imposed upon them. Rather it might be 
said they recognized no obligation to abide by it longer than expediency 
might dictate. In other words, those towns viewed the new government 
which they had helped to create as one whose acts they might nullify at 
will, and the infant State as a mere confederation of towns, from which 
each was at liberty to secede at its pleasure. 

This remarkable episode has attracted but little attention from histori- 
ans, but it is nevertheless worthy of careful study as containing the germs of 
doctrines which, half a century later, in their application to the Union of the 
States, came to be the absorbing topics of political discussion, and to which 
a gigantic civil war has scarcely yet given their full quietus. It was not a 
mere freak of men suddenly freed from undue restraint, but the product of 
intelligible causes not difficult to discover in the history of the settlement 
of the Upper Connecticut Valley. A brief sketch of that history is essential 
to a full understanding of it, and at the same time will serve to furnish, per- 
haps, some sort of palliation of what seems at first sight an inexcusable 
political crime. 

The original Province of New Hampshire, as granted by the Council of 
Plymouth to John Mason in 1629, was of very limited extent compared 
with the dimensions which it had acquired at the period of the Revolution. 
Bounded on its present seacoast line, it extended thence west on Massachu- 
setts sixty miles, north on Maine sixty miles, and had for its remaining 
boundary a straight line drawn between those western and northern extremi- 
ties. This territory is known in history as the Mason Grant, to distinguish 
it from the enlarged New Hampshire which came later, and its north- 
western boundary as the Mason Line. 

The settlers on the Mason Grant, after being a long time under the juris- 
diction of Massachusetts, at length petitioned the Crown for a separate gov- 
ernment ; and in 1679 a president and council were appointed by royal 
commission to govern the province in a manner which was, theoretically at 
least, purely arbitrary and unrestrained ; a form of government which con- 
tinued without substantial change till the revolt of the colonies. 

By the literal terms of the original grant of Massachusetts, that province 
had embraced a large part of the territory west of the Merrimac River, which 
is now included in New Hampshire and Vermont. The present north line 
of Massachusetts being established in 1741, pursuant to an order of the 
king in council, it followed that all the territory at present belonging to 


New Hampshire and Vermont, not included in the Mason Grant, remained 
ungranted and outside the jurisdiction of any of the colonial governments, 
unless New York might rightfully claim eastward to the Connecticut River, 
which was a matter in dispute ; that is to say, it remained under the im- 
mediate jurisdiction of the Crown. 

In this state of affairs Benning Wentworth was appointed Governor of 
the Province of New Hampshire, on July 3, 1741. The royal commission 
issued to him described the province as " bounded on the south side by 
a curve-line pursuing the course of the Merrimac River, at three miles' 
distance on the north side thereof, beginning at the Atlantic Ocean and 
ending at a point due north of Pautucket Falls, and by a straight line 
drawn from thence due west across said river, till it meets zuith our other 
governments ; and bounded on the east side by a line passing up through 
the mouth of Piscataqua Harbor, and up the middle of the river to the river 
of Newichannock, part of which is now called Salmon Falls, and through 
the middle of the same to the farthest head thereof, and from thence north 
two degrees westerly until one hundred and twenty miles be finished from 
the mouth of Piscataqua Harbor aforesaid, or until it meets with our other 
governments ; " a description, it will be observed, which embraced not only 
the Mason Grant, but all the adjacent ungranted territory westward to New 
York and northward to the Province of Quebec ; whereas all previous com- 
missions for the government of the provinces had limited it within the 
Mason Line of 1629. 

Wentworth's commission authorized and commanded him to grant town- 
ships in this new territory, in the king's name, and to incorporate the gran- 
tees into bodies politic, with powers and privileges equal to those enjoyed 
by the Massachusetts and Connecticut towns, from whence it was contem- 
plated immigrants were to be drawn. Whether or not the acceptance of 
these town charters would operate to unite the recipients of them into one 
body politic with the people on the Mason Grant, was a question not thought 
of at the time, but about which there arose a fierce discussion with the ad- 
vent of independence. 

Practically the whole region between the Mason Line and Lake Cham- 
plain was at this time an unbroken wilderness, unvisited by the white man 
and only roamed over by the weak St. Francis tribe of Indians. Nor was 
much progress made toward its settlement during the first years of Went- 
worth's administration. He confirmed a few grants which had been made 
by Massachusetts in the southernmost part, before the line of 1741 was es- 
tablished, and in 1749 granted the town of Bennington, bounding it westerly 
on the continuation of the west line of Massachusetts, thus serving notice 


upon the New York Governor that he interpreted his commission as giving 
him jurisdiction to that line. Governor Clinton promptly interposed a 
counter-claim to jurisdiction eastward to the Connecticut River ; a claim 
grounded upon the express terms of the New York Grant, but which had 
nevertheless been overcome by Massachusetts and Connecticut, whose grants, 
like Wentworth's jurisdiction, had been limited by no definite western boun- 
dary. It may be noted here that the two latter colonies had succeeded in 
advancing their western boundaries to the present line twenty miles east of 
the Hudson by dint of prescriptive rights acquired by prior occupancy of 
the territory — a right in which the New Hampshire Governor was entirely 

While the rival governors were preparing to contest their claims, the 
outbreak of the Franco-Canadian war in 1754 caused a total suspension of 
emigration to the territory, its exposed position near the theatre of hostili- 
ties counterbalancing all the advantages which it offered to settlers. But 
the advent of peace and British ascendancy in Canada, in 1759, set the tide 
which speedily filled the Connecticut Valley and the shores of Lake Cham- 
plain with a God-fearing and liberty-loving population. The young men 
of Massachusetts and Connecticut, who traversed the wilds on numerous 
military expeditions during the war, brought back glowing accounts of the 
swarms of fur-bearing animals that roamed the forests, of the salmon and 
trout with which the rivers and lakes abounded, and above all, of the mam- 
moth growths of white pine that crowded its valleys and bore testimony to 
a soil of surpassing fertility. These quickly returned, bringing with them 
their neighbors and friends, to reap the benefits of the liberal grants offered 
by the Crown through the New Hampshire Governor. During the four 
years from 1760 to 1764, Wentworth granted not less than one hundred and 
fifty townships west of the Connecticut, and fifty or more on the east side. 
New York made no grants in the territory, but continued to assert a claim 
eastward to the river, and constantly warned off the settlers under Went- 
worth's grants. Proclamations and counter-proclamations were issued, and 
representations made to the Home Government, by the governors of the 
two provinces, resulting finally in an order of the king in council, dated 
July 20, 1764, definitely establishing the west bank of the Connecticut as 
the boundary between the two. Wentworth, however, and his successor, 
continued to make grants east of the river as long as the royal authority 
was recognized in New Hampshire. 

The grantees of these townships were for the most part from Connecti- 
cut, though a considerable number were from Massachusetts and a few from 
Rhode Island. As a rule, also, the first settlers came from the same locality 


as the grantees ; so that for many years the Connecticut element in the 
population greatly predominated. Under their charters, whose vagueness 
allowed exceeding liberality of construction, the settlers speedily developed 
a system of town government surpassing, if possible, in its spirit of inde- 
pendence and unbridled democracy, that of Massachusetts and Connecticut, 
on which it was modeled. Their remoteness from the seat of the provincial 
government at Portsmouth, the sparseness of the population, and the con- 
sequent danger from Indians, naturally led to this result among a people 
already by previous training deeply imbued with ideas of local self-govern- 
ment. The strength of religious sentiment among them, and the almost 
universal prevalence of Congregationalism as a form of belief and of church 
polity, greatly intensified this spirit and lent a powerful impulse to all its 
manifestations. There was scarcely a function of civil government which 
these fierce little republics did not essay during the first years of their exist- 
ence. So manifest was this spirit in the very beginning of the settlements, 
that the New York Governor used it to enforce his argument against Went- 
worth's claim to jurisdiction west of the Connecticut, representing to the 
Lords of Trade and Plantations that " the New England Governments are 
formed on republican principles, and those principles are zealously incul- 
cated on their youth, in opposition to the principles of the Constitution of 
Great Britain. The Government of New York, on the contrary, is estab- 
lished as nearly as may be after the model of the English Constitution. Can 
it then be good policy to diminish the extent of jurisdiction in His Majesty's 
Province of New York, to extend the power and influence of the other? " 

The royal decree of 1764, transferring the territory west of the river to 
the jurisdiction of New York, was not only without the consent of the set- 
tlers, but was manifestly against their will. The New York Government, 
being then the embodiment of the centralized system as opposed to the 
New England town system, would at best have found it difficult to main- 
tain more than a nominal authority over the Grants, which was the col- 
lective name given to the Wentworth towns outside the Mason Line. But 
when it was claimed that this arbitrary act of the Crown was retroactive and 
operated to invalidate the land titles of the settlers, all thought of acquies- 
cence fled from their minds, and at once gave place to a spirit of uncompro- 
mising resistance. Especially was this the case on the west side of the 
Green Mountains, where, from their proximity to New York, they were 
most frequently evicted from their lands by adverse claimants from the 
latter province. East of the mountains, and more particularly in the 
Cohos country, as the Upper Connecticut Valley was then called, the 
power of New York was so little felt that the transfer occasioned no more 


active hostility than arose from sympathy and a general spirit of resistance 
to oppression even in the abstract, which was everywhere rife at the time. 

The people on the two sides of the mountains, however, were never so 
closely united in sentiment as might have been expected from their com- 
mon origin and similarity of circumstances. Not only was the Green 
Mountain range itself at that time a formidable barrier to intercourse be- 
tween the two sections, but there were active causes of alienation even 
more potent and lasting than this passive agent. As has already been 
stated, the settlers on the Grants, with the exception of a small number 
from Massachusetts and Rhode Island, had come from Connecticut. The 
unity of religious and political sentiment among them has also been re- 
marked ; and it is true, in a general sense, that there was substantial accord 
in their views. At the same time, there were differences sufficient, in con- 
junction with the physical cause above named, to originate two distinct 
political parties and lead to two different schemes of statute-making among 
them at the period of the Revolution ; incidentally, also, favoring the 
growth of the doctrines which are the subject of this paper. 

All the settlers had brought with them a passionate attachment to the 
town system, and the belief that the popular branch of the Legislature 
ought to be absolutely supreme in a constitutional government. Those 
from Massachusetts, fresh from the long conflict between the Assembly and 
the Executive in that province, had also imbibed the belief that a state of 
perfect security and happiness would result from the privilege of electing 
the executive as well as the legislative branch of the Government. This 
latter belief was fully shared by the great body of those who had come 
from Connecticut, since there the people had long enjoyed the privilege of 
electing annually all the officers of Government ; under which system, and 
the peculiar blending of Church and State which obtained in that colony, a 
very great degree of liberty had been enjoyed, especially as the great 
majority of the people were of one religious faith and practice. 

There had been, however, in Connecticut, a small minority, composed 
of lesser religious sects and denominations, who were treated as dissenters 
from the established faith, and who complained, with much reason appar- 
ently, that they were unduly persecuted by the prevailing sect. These 
dissenters, known generally by the name of Separatists, conceived that 
their wrongs, which were of course visited upon them by the executive 
branch of the Government, were in a great measure due to some inherent 
principle of tyranny common to all forms of central authority, however con 
stituted. They consequently looked with disfavor upon an independent 
executive per se. Having struggled persistently, but vainly, for toleration 


in Connecticut, these radicals, when the emigration to the Grants com- 
menced, went in great numbers to the region west of the Green Mountains, 
that being the most remote from the seat of the Government under which 
they were expecting to live. Here they procured numerous town charters, 
and established themselves in a permanent ascendancy wherever they cast 
their lot. One entire society of them, minister and all, settled in Benning- 
ton, and was soon joined by another of the same sect from Massachusetts. 
Prominent among them were the Aliens, the Fays, and Warners, who 
headed the successful resistance to New York, and finally achieved the in- 
dependence of Vermont. Most of the settlers who came from that colony 
of heretics, Rhode Island, also located in the vicinity of Bennington, and 
added an element of even fiercer democracy. Their experience of the op- 
pressive measures of New York intensified the peculiar political sentiments 
of these people to the last pitch that precedes anarchy. Great strength of 
intellect and a remarkable boldness of expression characterized the leaders, 
resulting in the rapid spread of their peculiar tenets, and making Benning- 
ton at once the centre of political influence west of the Mountains. At a 
later date, also, the southernmost towns on the east side came to look to 
Bennington for guidance. 

On the other hand, the emigrants to the Cohos country were almost 
wholly of the prevailing sect in Connecticut and of their religious brethren 
in Massachusetts. Here also events had led to a concentration of influence 
scarcely less potent than that which had its seat at Bennington. Among 
the earliest settlers in the valley had come a number of men of large wealth 
and culture, many of them graduates of Yale or Harvard College, who 
were eminently fitted to mold the institutions of a State, as well as guide 
its destinies when formed. To the influence of these men was due the 
location at Hanover, in 1769, of Dartmouth College, then just chartered 
by the Crown, with the privilege of choosing its own habitation. Thus, 
with President Eleazer Wheelock, there were drawn to Hanover and its 
immediate vicinity his son and successor, Colonel John Wheelock ; his 
brother-in-law, Bezaleel Woodward, first Professor of Mathematics in the 
college; and a numerous company of other educated and influential men, 
whose zeal and capacity for public affairs added greatly to the prominence 
which these river towns had already attained. The college became naturally 
the centre of political influence in the valley. It acquired further ascen- 
dancy in this direction from being given a quasi jurisdiction over a three- 
mile square district in the midst of which it was located, and which was set 
off from Hanover and given the name of Dresden. The river was no more 
than nominally a dividing line between separate provinces. The Govern- 


ment of New York was too remote to make itself much felt in the towns on 
the west side, while that of New Hampshire was scarcely more than a 
name to those on the east side. It issued a few commissions to justices of 
the peace and to militia officers, and exacted a trifling tax in return. But 
it provided no local courts, and little defence against the Indians. Repre- 
sentation in the Provincial Assembly being entirely at the pleasure of the 
royal governor, none of the towns outside the Mason Grant, on account of 
their republican proclivities probably, had, with one or two exceptions, 
ever been summoned to send delegates ; and they, in turn, paid little heed 
to legislative enactments in which they had no voice. For the purpose of 
more effectually resisting the attacks of the savages, loose confederacies of 
the towns on both sides of the river were frequently formed — connections 
which were dissolved and renewed at will, according as the circumstances 
of the hour seemed to dictate. Familiarity with such shifting relations, and 
practical freedom from all exterior restraint, gradually bred in the towns on 
the Upper Connecticut an exaggerated notion of the extent of their preroga- 
tive ; while their non-participation in the larger affairs of government fur- 
ther narrowed their views and prepared them for the extraordinary part 
which they were destined to play throughout the tentative period in which 
the colonies wrought out the problem of free government. 

Such was the situation of affairs when the revolt of the colonies set on 
foot two diverse schemes of state-making in the old province of New Hamp- 
shire : one emanating from the revolutionary provincial congress at Exeter, 
and embracing only the territory of the later province east of the Con- 
necticut ; the other taking its rise at Bennington and comprehending the 
grants between the river and Lake Champlain. Between these two a 
third scheme, nebulous and indeterminate as yet, was faintly broached 
at the college, but attracted no attention either at Exeter or Bennington. 
This latter scheme aimed at a confederation of all the grants on both 
sides of the river into a State, with its seat of government at or near the 

Governor John Wentworth, the last of the royal line in New Hampshire, 
had maintained himself in nominal authority till September, 1775, when he 
abdicated and sailed away in a British frigate. Upon his departure, the 
evil consequences entailed upon the people by a hundred years of paternal 
government at once became apparent. Not only was the province left 
without any civil constitution — whereas the other New England colonies, 
under their charter organizations, passed without shock into a state of in- 
dependence, Connecticut's royal charter of 1662 even continuing by ex- 
press provision as her organic law till 1818 — but the habit of dependence 


had grown so strong upon the people in the eastern counties, where the 
great majority of the colony resided, that they helplessly turned their eyes 
to the Continental Congress at Philadelphia as to a new ruler, and prayed 
for instructions how to proceed in the exigency that was upon them. That 
body, on November 3, 1 775, recommended the calling of " a full and free 
representation of the people, and that the representatives, if they think it 
necessary, establish such a frame of government as, in their judgment, will 
best produce the happiness of the people, and most effectually secure peace 
and good order in the province during the continuance of the dispute be- 
tween Great Britain and the colonies." 

This was the very advice which had been sought ; and in anticipation of 
its receipt the irregular congress in session at Exeter issued precepts for the 
election of a full representative congress, the members " to be empowered 
by their constituents to prosecute such measures as they may deem neces- 
sary for the public good ; and in case there should be a recommendation 
from the Continental Congress for this colony to assume government in any 
way that will require a House of Representatives, that then said Congress 
for this colony be empowered to resolve itself into such a house as may be 
recommended, and remain such for the term of one year." 

An accurate census of the province having been taken that year, the 
strictly equitable plan of a numerical basis of representation was practicable, 
and was the one adopted, with such approximation as a regard for town 
lines would admit of. This necessarily involved a plurality of representa- 
tives from some of the larger towns, and a grouping together of the smaller 
ones, with a single representative for the group, but without representation 
distinctively as towns. This just apportionment seems to have encountered 
no adverse criticism, save possibly at the college, and the people every- 
where, except at Hanover and the five towns grouped with it, assembled 
and chose their representatives to the congress, which met at Exeter on 
December 21st. 

On January 5, 1776, this body assumed the government of the colony, 
adopted the temporary constitution before adverted to, and resolved itself 
into a legislature. It is to be observed that this was six months before 
the Declaration of Independence. Consequently, after reciting in the pre- 
amble the oppressive measures of Great Britain, the breaking up of the 
royal government of the province, the recommendation of the Philadel- 
phia Congress, and the powers delegated by the people to their represent- 
atives, the instrument expressed the hope " that such a reconciliation 
between us and our parent State can be effected as shall be approved by 
the Continental Congress, in whose prudence and wisdom we confide.' 


The entire body of the constitution proper was comprised in the following 
articles : 

"Accordingly, pursuant to the trust reposed in us, We Do Resolve, That this congress as- 
sume the name, power, and authority of a House of Representatives or Assembly for the 
Colony of New Hci7npshire. And that said House then proceed to choose twelve persons, being 
reputable freeholders and inhabitants within this colony, in the following manner, viz. : five in the 
county of Rockingham, two in the county of Strafford, two in the county of Hillsborough, two in 
the county of Cheshire, and one in the county of Grafton, to be a distinct and separate branch of the 
legislature, by the name of a Council for this colony, to continue as such until the third Wednes- 
day in December next, any seven of whom to be a quorum to do business. That such council 
appoint their president, and in his absence that the senior councillor preside ; that a secretary be 
appointed by both branches, who may be a councillor, or otherwise, as they shall choose. 

" That no act or resolve shall be valid and put into execution unless agreed to and passed by both 
branches of the legislature. 

" That all public officers for the said colony and each county, for the current year, be appointed 
by the council and assembly, except the several clerks of the executive courts, who shall be appointed 
by the justices of the respective courts. 

" That all bills, resolves, or votes for raising, levying, and collecting money, originate in the 
House of Representatives. 

" That at any session of the Council and Assembly, neither branch shall adjourn for any longer 
time than from Saturday till the next Monday, without the consent of the other. 

And it is further resolved, That if the present unhappy dispute with Great Britain should con- 
tinue longer than this present year, and the Continental Congress give no instruction or direction to 
the contrary, the Council be chosen by the people of each respective county in such manner as the 
Council and House of Representatives shall order. 

" That general and field officers of the militia, on any vacancy, be appointed by the two houses, 
and all inferior officers be chosen by the respective companies. 

" That all officers of the army be appointed by the two houses, except they should direct other- 
wise, in case of any emergency. 

"That all civil officers for the colony and for each county be appointed, and the time of their 
continuance in office be determined by the two houses, except clerks of courts, county treasurers, and 
recorders of deeds. 

" That a treasurer and recorder of deeds for each county be annually chosen by the people of 
each county respectively; the votes for such officers to be returned to the respective Courts of Gen- 
eral Sessions of the Peace in the county, there to be ascertained as the Council and Assembly shall 
hereafter direct. 

" That precepts in the name of the Council and Assembly, signed by the President of the Council 
and Speaker of the House of Representatives, shall issue annually, at or before the first day of 
November, for the choice of a Council and House of Representatives, to be returned by the third 
Wednesday in December then next ensuing, in such manner as the Council and Assembly shall here- 
after prescribe." 

Few as are the requisites contained in this instrument which are now 
deemed essential to the orderly guidance of a republican State, its authors 
and friends thought it fully adequate to the pressing needs of the situation. 
Its two most conspicuous features, the entire absence of any provision for 
an independent executive, and the virtual union of all the functions of 


government in the Legislature, without check or limitation — the very 
antipodes of the old regime — were but the national rebound from the 
extreme of absolutism which had prevailed in the province for a century, 
and may justly be set down as part and parcel of that evil. Strangely 
enough, even its enemies, who presently sprang up in abundance, did not 
count these as defects, but reserved their attacks for the least vulnerable of 
all its provisions, judged by our present ideas of what a constitution 
should be. 

The Exeter Congress, which thus " took up civil government for the 
colony," to use its own language, proceeded thence in its assumed character 
of Council and Assembly to levy taxes, to establish courts, and otherwise to 
regulate the internal police of the colony. Before the expiration of the 
year which was the limit of its continuance, it caused precepts to issue for 
the choice of the first Council and Assembly, elected as such, under the new 
frame of government. In pursuance of the constitution also, it enacted 
that the new legislature should be chosen under an apportionment sub- 
stantially the same as that under which it had itself been chosen. This 
adherence to the numerical basis of representation was not carried without 
opposition ; but there was apparently no apprehension at the time that 
opposition could ripen into the open revolution which presently revealed 

The rapid and substantial progress of the Exeter scheme of state-making 
had effectually forestalled the college scheme. Except in the immediate 
vicinity of the college, the grants east of the Connecticut had, without ques- 
tion, followed the lead of the Exeter party in what seemed the most natural 
and obvious course to be pursued. The division of the grants at the line 
of the river by the arbitrary decree of 1764 was now confirmed by the vol- 
untary act of the grants themselves, so far as the separate actions of those 
on the east side could confirm it. 

Meanwhile, under the lead of Bennington, the grants west of the river 
had revolted from New York, and were struggling against the power of 
that State even more strenuously, if possible, than they were against the 
common oppressor, Great Britain. More than a year before the Declara- 
tion of Independence they had declared, in convention at Westminster, that 
it was their duty, "predicated on the eternal and immutable law of self- 
preservation, to wholly renounce and resist the administration of the Gov- 
ernment of New York." Immediately upon the formal revolt of the colo- 
nies, the Bennington party inaugurated their plan of a separate State between 
Lake Champlain and the Connecticut ; notwithstanding measures were al- 
ready well advanced in New York for the formation of a new government, 


whose jurisdiction should be co-extensive with that of the colonial govern- 
ment just supplanted, i.e., eastward to the river. The antipathy to New 
York aroused in the breasts of the Green Mountain Boys, by the oppressive 
measures in regard to their land-title, had survived the collapse of the royal 
authority in all its intensity and uncompromising zeal. However, the move- 
ment for a separation under the Bennington lead at first secured but slight 
following east of the Green Mountains ; almost its entire apparent strength 
was on the west side. The people in the entire region between the moun- 
tains and the river, which was at this time divided into the two counties 
of Gloucester on the north and Cumberland on the south, seem to have 
been permeated with the college influence to a much greater extent than 
were their neighbors in Grafton and Cheshire, the two corresponding New 
Hampshire counties on the opposite bank of the Connecticut. Conse- 
quently they held aloof almost wholly from the Bennington movement, and 
sent no delegates to the numerous conventions which marked its progress, 
until January, 1777 ; at which time their delegates appeared in full force at 
Westminster, and joined heartily with the Bennington party in the Declara- 
tion there put forth, that the grants west of the river " be a new and sepa- 
rate State." 

This sudden change of policy was the direct result, as will presently 
appear, of that revolt of the Grafton and Cheshire towns which had revealed 
itself to the astonished assembly at Exeter on the 19th of December ; or 
rather it was part and parcel of that movement, and, with it, traceable di- 
rectly to the college and the scheme of State-making already adverted to 
as having its nucleus there. The summary eclipse of the College party's 
plans by the successful inauguration of the Exeter Government, although 
it had greatly disconcerted, yet had not wholly cast down the leaders of 
that party. Immediate steps were taken to recover their lost influence, 
and energetic measures adopted to obliterate, if possible, the line of the 
river as a boundary between separate jurisdictions. The immediate obsta- 
cle was, of course, the Exeter Government ; and to its demolition, at least 
so far as the grants had become a part of it, they first addressed them- 
selves. To this end they called a convention to meet in the college hall, 
at Dresden, on July 31, 1776. 

To this convention ten Grafton County towns (Lebanon, Hanover, 
Lyme, Orford, Haverhill, Enfield, Canaan, Cardigan (now Orange), Bath, 
and Landaff), and one Cheshire County town (Plainfield), sent their com- 
mittees of safety. No record of its sittings is known to have been pre- 
served ; but there has come down to us a printed address, which it issued 
in pamphlet and circulated among the people of New Hampshire, and 


which evinces the remarkable skill and boldness with which it set about 
its work. The opening passage of this address reveals at once the spirit 
and the scope of the undertaking to which its authors had committed 
themselves: "The important crisis is now commenced wherein the Provi- 
dence of God, the Grand Continental Congress, and our necessitous cir- 
cumstances, call upon us to assume our national right of laying a foun- 
dation of civil government within and for this colony." This startling 
proposition, ignoring as it did all that had already been done at Exeter, 
required no common mastery of political science and dialectic skill for 
its support ; but such aids were not lacking. After laying down the broad 
truth that "freedom is possible to every people who have the spirit to 
seize upon it," the address goes on to point out that the colonists had 
lost their liberties under the British Constitution by their criminal neglect to 
assert their right to representation in Parliament before their fetters were 
forged and riveted upon them ; affirming that " whenever a people give 
up their right of representation, they consequently give up all their rights 
and privileges ; " exhorting to vigilance, promptness, and devotion, lest the 
fullest blessings of a free government should be forever lost ; and reaching, 
at last, the climax of artful appeal in language like this : " Let us not give 
occasion to our neighbors or posterity to reproach us by saying that we 
made a glorious stand against the strides of arbitrary power and oppres- 
sion, and with our blood and treasure gained the happy conquest, but, in 
the first advance we made toward establishing a constitution for ourselves, 
we either inadvertently or carelessly gave up our most essential rights and 
liberties ; or rather, that we did nothing to preserve them." 

The pertinency and force of such an exhortation will be more apparent 
when we remember how ardently the settlers on the Wentvvorth Grants 
were attached to their town system, and then turn to Exeter and note the 
prevailing influences which, under the new constitution, were at work from 
that centre. 

The Provincial Government had been absolute. No charter had ever 
been granted to the colony. The power of its assembly had from the first 
been circumscribed by the will of the royal governor, and its office had 
been scarcely more than to register his decrees. Only such towns as he 
chose to confer the privilege upon had ever been allowed representation 
in it. In the beginning, in 1680, only four towns were represented, and 
the precepts sent to them expressly named the electors who were to choose 
the representatives. Down to the end, in 1775, the list of favored towns had 
grown to only forty-three, while upward of one hundred had never had a 
voice in legislation at all. Only three in all the region to the west and north 


of the water-shed between the Merrimac and the Connecticut had ever had 
representatives admitted to seats: One effect of this policy had been that, 
toward the last, the Assembly had become even more exclusive than the 
Governor, and had refused to admit representatives from towns to which he 
had sent his precepts. Through this aggressive spirit of the Assembly, and 
the mild disposition of Governor Wentworth, the government of the prov- 
ince had, at the period of the Revolution, assumed many of the features of 
an oligarchy. Its controlling spirits were the aristocratic merchants of the 
seaboard county of Rockingham, which, down to 1770, contained more than 
half the population of the province. These merchants and their connections 
had sat so constantly in the Provincial Assembly, and had thereby become 
so familiar with public affairs, that they easily passed to the same com- 
manding position in the new government which they had held in the old. 
No stronger proof of their superior political skill is needed than the adroit 
manner in which they committed the people of the northern and western 
towns to a system of representation, under the new constitution, which 
was entirely at variance with their predilections, and which consigned them 
to a hopeless minority in the legislative body. They had taken the initi- 
atory steps in the formation of the new government, and had seen to it that 
the congress which framed the constitution was chosen upon the numerical 
basis of representation, and was empowered to resolve itself into a legis- 
lature after completing the frame of government. Following up the advan- 
tage thus gained, they had been able to secure the unsuspecting assent of 
all the members of the congress to a constitution which did not itself pre- 
scribe a plan of representation, but left that all-important matter to be de- 
termined by each legislature for its successor. It thus happened that the 
numerical basis had become entailed upon all future assemblies, until the 
constitution could be changed, for it could not be expected that the popu- 
lous towns in the southeast, having once secured their just advantage, would 
ever yield to the demand of the small towns in the north and west for equal 
representation with them. 

The Grafton and Cheshire County towns saw in this situation, and in the 
property qualification required of representatives, their own hopeless subjec- 
tion to the oligarchical party in Rockingham County. It was the firm belief 
of the Connecticut Valley democracy that the right of representation inhered 
in the very nature of a town. They felt chagrined that their lack of vigi- 
lance had lost them this right, and incensed at the astute politicians of the 
old regime who had thus overreached them. But it was not altogether self- 
interest which induced their belief in the right of town representation. 
They had brought it with them from Connecticut and Massachusetts. The 


charters of those colonies recognized such a right ; and what were those 
charters, it was triumphantly asked, but voluntary grants of liberties such 
as New Hampshire had now seized upon in even larger degree ? 

Still, at the time of the College Hall Convention, " a foundation of civil 
government within and for the colony " had certainly been laid, and all the 
people had participated freely in the work. The new government was in 
the full exercise of all its functions, and there could apparently be no just 
ground for denying its legitimacy or resisting its authority. The authors of 
the Address appreciated the difficulties which lay in their way, and pro- 
ceeded by adroit and forcible argument to overcome them. To the objec- 
tion that the people had already established a government, they answered 
that the assembly which then existed, and which had framed that govern- 
ment, " had been elected before the Declaration of Independence, and was 
expected to act only in the exigencies of the colony, under their distressed 
and difficult circumstances, as the case might require ; and no one thought 
at the time that they were appointed to institute a plan of civil govern- 
ment, especially independent of, and in contradistinction to, Great Britain ; 
therefore they were not elected for that purpose, and have not the power 
that an assembly ought now to have." The known dissatisfaction with the 
Exeter plan of representation was next adverted to, and arguments of great 
length and ingenuity advanced to aggravate the discontent. The inalien- 
able right of every town to be represented as such in the legislative body 
was reiterated with the greatest stress, and in every possible form of expres- 
sion. The opponents of this doctrine were stigmatized as Tories of the 
rankest kind, and the plan which had been adopted as worse than no rep- 
resentation at all. At last the point was reached of declaring, " if this 
principle must take place, we had better lay down our arms, and spend no 
more precious blood and treasure in the contest with Great Britain, for it is 
only destroying with one hand, and setting up the same thing, or that which 
is worse, with the other. They who will tamely submit to such a government 
as this deserve not a habitation among a free people." The right to resist the 
Exeter Government, and to withdraw from it, was sought to be made plain 
by enunciating the doctrine that no town could be effectually deprived of 
representation without its own express consent ; that no majority, however 
large, of a legislature, or even of a constitutional convention, could take 
away the right, nor could any implied or indirect surrender amount to a 
forfeiture of it. Then followed the frank avowal that no town, deprived of 
its representation in the Legislature other than by its direct and voluntary 
surrender, was bound by anything that legislation might do. The Grafton 
and Cheshire towns, none of which had been separately represented, were 


declared to be thus absolved from all allegiance to the Exeter Government, 
and resistance to it to be of a piece with resistance to Great Britain. Thus 
the towns in whose name the Address was issued were made to say : " As 
for ourselves, we are determined, not to spend our blood and treasure in 
defending against the chains and fetters that are forged for us abroad, in 
order to purchase some of a like kind of our own manufacturing, but mean 
to hold them both alike detestable." Other towns concurring in the sen- 
timents of the Address were requested to communicate with Bezaleel 
Woodward, " Clerk of the United Committees," from which it would ap- 
pear that some sort of permanent organization was effected, as well as from 
the fact that the convention adjourned to meet again in the college hall in 
October following. 

The wide circulation of this pamphlet had the effect to deter the whole 
of Grafton County, and a considerable part of Cheshire, from sending rep- 
resentatives to the new assembly summoned to meet at Exeter on De- 
cember 19th. The precepts for the election, which were sent out in Sep- 
tember, were generally returned by the disaffected towns with their action 
thereon — the reasons assigned for non-compliance being substantially the 
objections to the plan of government set forth in the College Hall Address ; 
some of them urging, in addition, that the recommendation of the Conti- 
nental Congress for "a full and free representation of the people" had not 
been followed, and that the proceedings at Exeter were therefore void. 
The language employed by the towns in these returns was less scholarly and 
philosophical than that of the Address, but far more vigorous and pictur- 
esque ; the town of Chesterfield, for instance, declaring : *' It is our opinion 
that the State of New Hampshire, instead of forming an equitable plan of 
government conducing to the peace and safety of the State, have been in- 
fluenced by the iniquitous intrigues and secret designations [designs] of 
persons unfriendly, to settle down upon the dregs of monarchical and aris- 
tocratical tyranny, in imitation of their late British oppressor." Conciliatory 
measures of every nature short of acceding to the demand for a new consti- 
tutional convention were at once resorted to by the Exeter Government, in 
the hope of winning back the revolted towns ; but all efforts failed. Be- 
sides refusing to be represented, they withheld their quota of tax, and in 
every possible way emphasized their withdrawal from the compact of Janu- 
ary 5th. 

An important modification of the original plan of the college party 
seems to have followed this disruption. Instead of inaugurating a move- 
ment antagonistic to that which the Bennington party was conducting, it 
was arranged that the Gloucester and Cumberland County towns should nc 


longer hold aloof from that movement, but should unite to carry it forward, 
establish the State of Vermont, and then annex to it all the grants east of 
the river. Such an expansion would, of course, place the college party in 
ascendancy by sheer weight of numbers, and having thus a State under 
their control, their pet ambition would be realized as fully as if their first 
scheme had not been interfered with. Accordingly, in January, 1777, as 
has already been noted, the towns between the Connecticut and the Green 
Mountains went into convention at Westminster with those west of the 
Mountains, and the most formidable obstacle to the success of the Benning- 
ton project was for the time being removed. Their independence of New 
York was formally declared, and the fact notified to the Continental Con- 
gress, along with a petition for recognition and for representation in that 
body on an equality with the other States. The prompt interposition of the 
New York delegates, however, induced a halting policy on the part of Con- 
gress, which eventually emboldened the Bennington leaders wholly to deny 
its authority in the premises. 

The Westminster Convention, having met by adjournment at Windsor 
on June 4, 1777, appointed a committee to draft a constitution, and called 
another convention to meet at the same place on July 2d following, to act 
upon the committee's report. The news of Burgoyne's advance and cap- 
ture of Ticonderoga interrupted this latter convention in the midst of its 
labors, so that the constitution was hastily adopted in substantially the 
form reported by the committee — the Convention adjourning to December 
with the understanding that its work was to be perfected at that time, and 
the members hurrying to their homes to concert measures for the public 
defence. The constitution having been revised in December, the first elec- 
tion of officers under it was held on March 4, 1778, and the State Govern- 
ment fully organized on the 12th of the same month, at Windsor. 

The Exeter Government, after striving for more than a year to arrest 
the defection in Grafton and Cheshire counties, at last took measures for 
calling a new constitutional convention, as the only means which held out 
any hope of success. This concession tended greatly to weaken the hold 
of the college leaders upon the people. In the hope of strengthening 
themselves, they resorted again to the printing-press, and issued, early in 
January, 1778, another pamphlet letter, signed " Republican," containing 
an elaborate argument in support of the right of the grants on both sides 
of the river to unite under one government, as well as the expediency of their 
doing so. This argument, manifestly from the same pen as the College 
Hall Address, was so skilfully framed as to apply with equal force to a 
union of the Grafton and Cheshire towns with Vermont, or to a new con- 


federation, which might either dismember Vermont, or perhaps merge it 
entirely. It emphasized the denial of the claims now put forth by the New 
York and New Hampshire Governments to rule over the grants as succes- 
sors to the royal governments which they had supplanted ; and maintained 
that the Exeter Government had virtually conceded its own illegitimacy by 
yielding to the demand for a beginning de novo of the work of constitution- 
making. But it is chiefly as an exposition of the views of the college party 
as to the political status of the Wentworth Grants that this pamphlet is re- 
markable. According to these views, the Declaration of Independence ab- 
solved the people of the grants from all political ties, and reduced them to 
" a state of nature " as to government ; except that, by virtue of their town 
charters, they continued to be united into towns, each of which was a little 
republic by itself, independent of all the others — independent of Great Brit- 
ain and of the United Colonies, and equally independent of New York and 
of New Hampshire, i.e., old New Hampshire, or the Mason Grant. These 
diminutive States were entirely free to maintain their separate existence, to 
confederate together, or to ally themselves with other bodies politic at 
their pleasure. No abridgment of this delightful state of independence was 
recognized as having taken place, although at the date of the pamphlet all 
of them had, by virtue either of the Exeter or of the Windsor Constitution, 
voluntarily merged themselves in a larger political body. Some of the sug- 
gestions contained in this pamphlet led to immediate practical results of the 
gravest import. 

The body which met at Dresden on July 31, 1776, and issued the 
famous College Hall Address, had never been dissolved. Under the name 
of the United Committees of the New Hampshire Grants, it con- 
tinued to hold meetings, to circulate pamphlets, and in every way indus- 
triously to disseminate the doctrine that a union of all the grants under 
one government was a matter of prime political necessity. None but the 
most scanty records of its doings are now known to exist ; but it is certain 
that on January 28, 1778, it met by adjournment at the house of Colonel 
Israel Morey, in Orford, and, among other things, recommended to the 
New Hampshire towns to show their devotion to the cause of the colonies 
by raising their respective proportions of the taxes called for by the Exeter 
Government and by the Continental Congress for that year, but to hold the 
same in their respective treasuries, to be applied by the towns in their sover- 
eign capacity, in measures for the common defence, free from the control 
of any external authority whatever ; and the recommendation appears to 
have been generally followed by the disaffected towns. The next meeting 
of which there is any record was held on February 12th, at the house of 


Moses Chase, in Cornish, one month before the meeting of the first legis- 
lature of Vermont at Windsor. The eleven towns which formed its original 
constituency had now been joined by six others. All that is certainly 
known about this Cornish session of the COMMITTEES is the time and 
place of meeting, and the fact that the call for it announced that it was " to 
confer upon matters of importance ; " but it is altogether probable that it 
arranged the details of the scheme which was presented to the Vermont 
Legislature a month later for uniting with that State all the New Hamp- 
shire towns outside the Mason Grant. 

On March 12, 1778, the first legislature of Vermont met at Windsor, 
and the new State Government was formally organized. Promptly on the 
first day of the session a delegation from the United Committees, which 
body was assembled at Cornish, on the opposite bank of the Connecticut, 
came over to propose that Vermont take into union with her the Grafton 
and Cheshire towns then represented in the COMMITTEES, and all others 
east of the river that might be desirous of such a union. The proposition 
was received with surprise and disfavor by the Bennington party, and was at 
first rejected by a decisive vote, whereupon the members from the Gloucester 
County towns threatened to withdraw and unite with the Committees at 
Cornish, in opposition to both New Hampshire and Vermont. With a view 
to gain time and to provide a possible way of escape from so serious a 
dilemma, the matter was compromised by referring it to the Vermont 
towns for settlement. Of the forty-seven towns whose vote was returned, 
thirty-five favored the union, and twelve opposed it. The Bennington 
party, however, complained that the vote had been taken upon the suppo- 
sition that New Hampshire was indifferent to the movement, whereas the 
real attitude of the Exeter Government was one of uncompromising hos- 
tility to it, and that the college party had wilfully misrepresented the facts. 
The Bennington party were at a further disadvantage in their opposition to 
the union, from the fact that a great number of towns west of the moun- 
tains, where most of their strength lay, had been abandoned by their in- 
habitants at the time of Burgoyne's advance the year before, and were now 
neither represented in the Legislature nor in a situation to vote upon this 
question. Besides, it is important to observe it was not the direct vote of 
the people, but the vote by towns, that was regarded in deciding it. 

Accordingly, at the next session of the Legislature, held at Bennington 
on June 4, 1778, fifteen New Hampshire towns, together with the College 
District of Dresden, were formally admitted into union with Vermont, and 
invested with all the powers and privileges accorded to the other towns of 
that State, provision being made at the same time for the admission of such 


other towns east of the river as might desire it upon the same terms. The 
college also, on petition of the trustees, was taken under the protection of 
Vermont, and President Wheelock appointed a justice of the peace. 
During the interval between this and the October session of the Legislature 
many more towns, principally in Grafton County, accepted the Act of 
Union, and declared themselves confederated with Vermont. During the 
same interval, however, the Exeter Government issued precepts for the 
election of members to its third General Assembly, containing a direction 
to the people to instruct the Assembly, if they saw fit, through their rep- 
resentatives, to call a new constitutional convention. Many of the dis- 
affected towns, even of those who had voted to join Vermont, were dis- 
posed to look with favor upon this concession, and to await further 
developments before proceeding to any greater length in any direction. It 
thus happened that only Dresden and nine of the towns which had expressly 
entered into union with Vermont sent representatives to its Legislature in 
October, as its constitution and the terms of the union required them to do. 
But among these representatives were most of the leading spirits of the 
college party east of the river ; and it is probable that, but for the unto- 
ward and unlooked-for events which «soon followed, they would have suc- 
ceeded in carrying over to Vermont most of the towns outside the Mason 
Grant, and then, by sheer weight of numbers, have brought the seat of gov- 
ernment to the banks of the Connecticut, and secured to themselves that 
ascendancy in public affairs to which they felt their abilities entitled them, 
especially as the people of New Hampshire rejected by an overwhelming 
majority a new constitution framed and submitted to them a few months 

The United Committees met again on June 24, 1778, at Colonel Mo- 
rey's house in Orford, and recommended to the towns that had joined 
Vermont to strictly obey all military orders emanating from that State, but 
at the same time to heed, so far as might be, the wishes of the Continental 
officers, as well as to co-operate with the New Hampshire militia in all 
matters pertaining to the common defence. Various other recommenda- 
tions were passed looking to the proper adjustment of the towns to their 
new relations, and a letter was despatched to the Exeter Government 
announcing the secession, and bespeaking a continuance of the amicable 
relations then subsisting between the two States. 

The Exeter authorities now threatened force to coerce the revolted 
towns, invoked the interference of the Continental Congress, and plied the 
Vermont Governor with protests and appeals. The Bennington leaders, 
encouraged by these demonstrations, secretly despatched General Ethan 


Allen to Philadelphia on a mission purely tentative, as they claimed, but, 
as charged by the college party, hostile and corrupt. Allen arrived at 
Philadelphia on September 19th, and, according to the account which 
he brought back, his timely presence saved Vermont from summary an- 
nihilation. The New York and New Hampshire delegates having made 
common cause against the new State, the whole power of the Federal Gov- 
ernment was about to be launched against it. By active and energetic lob- 
bying among the members — for he does not appear to have had a hearing 
before Congress — Allen procured a postponement of its threatened interpo- 
sition ; meanwhile entering into a formal compact with the New Hampshire 
delegates, he stipulating to labor for a dissolution of the union with the 
New Hampshire towns, and they thereupon to break with New York and 
assist Vermont in procuring from Congress the recognition of her indepen- 
dence. Hurrying home, Allen, claiming now to have had the official sanc- 
tion of Governor Chittenden for his mission, made a formal report to the 
Legislature, which had been convened at Windsor, on October 8, 1778, 
representing in the most positive manner that Congress was ready to con- 
cede the independence of Vermont, provided the claim to jurisdiction east 
of the Connecticut was not insisted upon ; but if that claim were not aban- 
doned at once, New York would be supported in her claim eastward to the 

The college party, however, were now so far in the ascendant in the 
Legislature, that they had not only been able to elect for clerk Professor 
Woodward, of the college, who represented Dresden, but had also carried 
through a resolve declaring it to be the right of all the grants west of the 
Mason line to unite under one government, despite New Hampshire or 
New York, or even the Federal Congress, and proposing to the Exeter 
Government a plan for establishing the boundary between New Hampshire 
and the proposed eastern extension of Vermont. But, although this asser- 
tion of abstract right was carried in the face of Allen's report on the 20th 
of October, and although the Bennington party had signally failed in a 
direct attempt to dissolve the union with the New Hampshire towns, still, 
when the college party brought forward on the next day the simple practi- 
cal measure of erecting those towns into a county, or of annexing them to 
an existing county, the measure was defeated — the sentiment of fear mani- 
festly operating upon the minds of a sufficient number of members to give 
the Bennington party a temporary majority. The ruinous tendency of the 
peculiar political teachings of the college party was now given another ex- 

This adverse vote upon a mere matter of administrative detail was im- 


mediately seized upon by the representatives from the valley towns on both 
sides of the river, and made the pretext for nullifying the solemn Act of 
Union, whose passage they had procured but a few months before. The 
eleven New Hampshire members, together with those from ten Vermont 
towns opposite, at once withdrew from the Assembly, and were speedily 
joined by three members of the Upper House (then called the Council) and 
by the Lieutenant-Governor, leaving barely a quorum of the Legislature 
remaining. After withdrawing, they assembled by themselves on October 
22d, when they formulated and laid before the Legislature their solemn pro- 
test against its action of the 21st, declaring it to be an entire subversion 
and destruction of the Windsor Constitution, and a total absolution, not 
only of the New Hampshire towns, but of all the towns, from the bonds of 
confederation by which they had been held together as one State. The 
" Protesting Members," as they chose to style themselves, next passed over 
the river to Cornish, where they organized themselves into a cohesive body, 
after the manner of the United Committees of 1776, with Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor Joseph Marsh as chairman, and Professor Woodward as clerk, and with 
the definite and avowed purpose of compelling Vermont, if possible, to re- 
habilitate itself (a singular inconsistency) by rescinding the vote of October 
2 1 st ; or, failing in that, to revive the original scheme of the college party, 
and erect an independent State in the Connecticut Valley. To this end they 
called a convention, to meet at Cornish on December 9, 1778, to which the 
towns on both sides of the river were invited to send delegates. The con- 
stituencies of the Protesting Members fully confirmed their action, and 
sent delegates to this convention with instructions to pursue the course 
thus marked out for them. 

That the seemingly erratic course of these towns was in reality in strict 
keeping with a well-defined and widely held political faith seems now suffi- 
ciently clear. According to that faith, each of the Wentworth Grants, or 
towns, having been chartered by the British Crown in the same manner 
that Massachusetts and Connecticut had been, acquired by the Declaration 
of Independence all the attributes of sovereignty which could be claimed by 
those larger States ; and, in so far as those towns might enter into the 
formation of it, any new State must needs be, not a direct union of the 
people, regardless of their town incorporations, but a confederation of 
towns, to which primarily the people in each owed allegiance, and through 
which alone they were related to the State. The idea of a dual allegiance 
had small place in this political faith. From this extreme doctrine of town 
sovereignty it was but a step to the concomitant heresies of nullification and 
secession which followed. Hence, as we have seen, the result of its teaching 



was that, whatever engagement a town might enter into, there was prac- 
tically always reserved the right to recede from it, as pique or self-interest 
might prompt. The writer reserves for a further narrative an account of 
the extent to which, in the very midst of the struggle for national indepen- 
dence, these troublesome doctrines became disseminated in New Hampshire 
and Vermont, and of the dire confusion which resulted therefrom. 




1664 AND 1674 

The recent settlement of the boundary line between the States of New 
York and Connecticut, by an agreement between commissioners appointed 
by their respective legislatures, recalls to mind the controversies which have 
existed between those States since the earliest colonization of the country. 
Prior to the charter granted to the Duke of York in 1664, the Dutch, 
while in possession of the New Netherlands, claimed eastward to the Con- 
necticut River, and at the same time the Colony of Connecticut claimed 
westward to the Hudson River, and from thence to the Pacific Ocean. 
In 1664, while the dispute was pending between those two colonies, the 
British Government, under claim of prior discovery, took possession of the 
New Netherlands, and King Charles the II., by virtue of his royal preroga- 
tive, granted to his brother, the Duke of York, the territory now comprised 
within the limits of the State of New York. Although its eastern boundary 
was defined in the charter to be " the Connecticut River," yet the Colony of 
Connecticut stoutly resisted the claim, on the ground of prior title and 
occupancy, and the controversy lasted, without intermission, for more than 
two centuries. 

Now that the last of the disputed boundaries has finally been settled, it 
may be interesting, in this connection, to trace, from authentic records, the 
several steps by which the royal duke, afterward James II., became vested 
with the sovereignty and fee of the Empire State which now bears his 

The writer has recently examined, in the State Paper Office, in Fetter 
Lane, London, some of the original documents relating to the history of 
this important title. They were all found in good preservation, from the 
original warrant to prepare a bill for the king's patent, to the final enrol- 
ment of the Charter of 1664. The venerable charter itself, exhumed from 
its long rest, crisp with age, and covered with the dust of two centuries, 
was brought to light, bearing the king's autograph, and transferring to his 
royal brother the richest grant in the power of His Majesty to bestow. 
The title to all British territory being vested in the king, any grant of 
the same could be made without the authority of Parliament, by letters- 
patent under the Great Seal. Before reaching the latter, it was customary 
for the grant to pass through several preliminary stages. In the first place, 



a warrant was issued by the Crown, directing the Attorney or Solicitor-Gen- 
eral to prepare a bill for the proposed grant. This bill, when prepared, was 
signed by the king at the top, with his own sign-manual, and sealed with 
the Privy Signet in custody of the principal Secretary of the State. An ex- 
tract of this bill was then taken, within eight days, to the Lord Keeper of the 
King's Privy Seal, requiring him to prepare a bill for the king's signature, 
which should embrace the proposed grant. One of the clerks of the Privy 
Seal was required, within eight days thereafter, to issue letters of warrant 
to the Lord Chancellor of England, commanding him to prepare a bill to 
pass the Great Seal, which should also contain the grant. Upon the receipt 
of this mandate, the Lord Chancellor affixed the Great Seal, whereupon the 
grant was duly enrolled and became complete. In some cases, at the 
pleasure of the king, the patent was taken from the Privy Signet Office 
direct to the Lord Chancellor, without its going through the office of the 
Privy Seal. 

The duke's patent of 1664 seems to have passed these several stages 
in its progress to completion. In tracing its history in the British archives, 
the first document relating to the title was found in the series of " Colonial 
Papers," and consisted of an undated draught of the warrant to prepare a 
bill for the king's signature. There are three copies of this draught, each 
dated February 29, 1664. Two are contained in the Colonial Entry-Books, 
Nos. 68 and 92, and the third in a warrant-book, bearing the name of 
Sir Henry Bennett, one of King Charles' Secretaries of State. Entry- 
Book No. 92 is one of Sir Joseph Williamson's note-books. Sir Joseph 
was another of King Charles' secretaries. He wrote in the margin of the 
book, opposite the copy of the warrant, " Grant to his Royal Highness in 
N. England." The description of the territory granted is identical in all 
three of these copies, and by its terms includes " all the land from the west 
side of Hudson's River to the east side of Delaware Bay," thus necessarily 
excluding all the territory between the Connecticut and Hudson Rivers. 
The next document found was the King's Signet Bill, contained in the Sig- 
net Docket-Book, No. 15, at page 292. It is dated March 8, 1664, and 
bears the king's signature. It is endorsed as follows: "Charles R., our 
will and pleasure is that this pass by immediate warrant." It was entered 
at the Signet Office, March 10, 1664, and attested by John Nicholas, and 
entered at the Privy Seal Office the same day, and attested by John Caulc. 
The letters-patent passed the Great Seal on the same day, and are inscribed, 
"per ipsum regem" by the king himself. 

It will be seen from the description of the territory granted by the 
patent, a copy of which is hereinafter given, that such description does not 


conform to that contained in the warrant, but was so changed and enlarged 
in the patent as to include all the land from the west side of Connecticut 
River to the east side of Delaware Bay, instead of from the west side of 
Hudson s River to the east side of Delaware Bay. This amended descrip- 
tion, substituting Connecticut for Hudson's River, was inserted in all the 
documents subsequent to the warrant to prepare a bill, for it is found in the 
original of the King's Signet Bill above referred to, signed by the king 
himself, in the bill as entered in the Privy Seal Office the same day, in the 
docket in the Signet Office Docket-Book, and in the final patent of 1664. 
The above important and significant alteration would seem to justify the 
inference that on February 29, 1664, when the warrant was drawn as the 
first step toward granting the patent, it was considered that the colony of 
Connecticut, on which it was intended to bound the patent on the east, of 
right extended westward to the Hudson River, as was then and subse- 
quently continued to be strenuously claimed and contended for by Connec- 
ticut, and that it was, at the date of the warrant, so understood by the 
king himself. 

The following are literal transcripts of the description of the territory 
granted by the warrant to prepare a bill for the king's patent of 1664, 
copied from the Colonial Entry-Book, No. 68, page 7, above referred to ; 
also of the description of the territory granted by the said patent, copied 
from the book labelled "Proprieties," B. T., vol. 25, page 113. This last 
document is the original draught of the patent in parchment enrolled 16, 
Carolus II., only a few trifling and immaterial variations being found be- 
tween it and that patent. The duplicate of this enrolled patent, which was 
delivered to the Duke of York as evidence of his title, is now in the office 
of the Secretary of State of the State of New York, at Albany. Full copies 
of this duplicate may be found on pages 10, etc., of the Report of the Re- 
gents of the University of the State of New York on the Boundaries of 
New York, and on page 653 of the second volume of Broadhead's History 
of New York. 


Grant to his Royal Highness of Lands in New England. 29. February 166 J 

We will and require you forthwith to prepare a Bill for our Royal Signature to pass our Great 
Seale containing a Grant unto Our Dearest Brother James Duke of Yorke and his heires forever, of 
all that part of the Main Land of New England, beginning from a place called St Croix, next ad- 
joining to New Scotland in America, and from thence extending along the Sea Coast unto a certain 
place called Pemaquin and soe up y e river thereof to the farthest head thereof, as it tendeth Nor- 


ward, and from thence to ye River Kinebequin, and soe upwards by ye shortest cut to ye River Canada, 
and alsoe all that Island or Islands called Mattawocko or long Island, lying to the Westward of Cape 
Codd and ye narrow Higawsets abutting upon the main land between the rivers of Conecticut and 
Hudson's River ; together alsoe with the said river called Hudson's River, and all the land from ye 
west side of Hudsons River to the East side of Delaware Bay, all of which are within ye latitude 
39 and 46 degrees, and containing in length from East to West the whole length of the Sea Coast, 
and alsoe all those Islands of Block Islands, Martins vineyards and Nontukes, with all lands, islands, 
mines, minerals, royalties, comodities and hereditaments within the said limits, with power of judi- 
cature, &c. &c. 

Dated at Whitehall 29 th Febry i66f 


King Charles the 2 d his Patent, to the Duke of York for New Jersey in America, 

March 12 166 J 

Charles the Second, by the Grace of God &c, to all to whom these presents shall come Greet- 
Know ye that we, for divers good causes and considerations us hereunto moving, having of our 
Especial Grace, certain knowledge and meer motion, given and granted, and by these presents for us 
our heirs and successors, do give and grant, unto our dear brother, James Duke of York his heirs 
and assigns, all that part of the Main Land of New England, beginning at a certaine place called or 
known by the name of St Croix next adjoining to New Scotland in America, and from thence ex- 
tending along the sea coast unto a certain place called Pemaquie or Pemaquid. and so up the River 
thereof to the farthest head of the same, as it tendeth Northwards and extending from thence to the 
River of Kinebiquire, and so upwards by the Shortest course to the River Canada Northward, and 
also all that Island or Islands, commonly called by the severall name or names of Mattowacks or 
Long Island, scituate lying and being toward the west of Cape Codd and the Narrow Higansets, 
abutting upon the Maine Land between the two Rivers, these called or known by the severall names 
of Connecticutt and Hudsons River, together also with the said River called Hudsons River, and all 
the Land from the West side of Connecticutt River to the East side of Delaware Bay, and also all 
those severall Islands called or known by the names of Martins Vineyards and Nantukes other Nan- 
tucket, together with all the Lands, islands,, Rivers, Harbours, Mines, Minerals, Quarries, 
Woods, Marshes, Waters, Lakes, Fishing, Hawking, Hunting and Fowling, and all other Royalties, 
Profits, commodities and hereditaments, to the said Severall Islands, Lands, and Premises belonging, 

and appertaining, with their and every of their appurtenances, &c, &c 

In Witnesse &c ourself at Westminster the twelfth day of March Anno Regni Regis Caroli Se- 
cundi Sexto decimo Per ipsum Regem. 

The second charter of 1674, which was granted by King Charles II. to 
the Duke of York, to obviate the objections which had been raised against 
the validity of the first charter, on account of its covering territory then in 
possession of the Dutch, is almost identical, in the description of the terri- 
tory conveyed, with the terms of the first charter. This may be seen by 
a reference to the copies of the two charters contained in the Regents' 
report on the boundaries of New York, above referred to. 



When the various colonial charters were granted, and their territorial 
boundaries defined, the geographical knowledge of the interior of North 
America was necessarily very limited. The only information obtainable 
was derived chiefly from reports of voyageurs who had penetrated the vast 
interior of the continent in their prosecution of the fur trade, from the ac- 
counts of the early missionaries, and from the rude sketches furnished by 
the natives, showing the outlines of the lakes and rivers which so promi- 
nently mark the natural features of the country. Confused descriptions, 
growing out of this defective knowledge, occasioned the numerous boun- 
dary disputes, which, from time to time, arose between New York and her 

On the east, Massachusetts, by virtue of the charter granted by James 
I., in 1620, to the Council of Plymouth, and the subsequent sale by said 
council to Sir Henry Roswell and his associates, claimed a strip between 
the Merrimack and Charles Rivers, which, extending, westerly between 42 
2' and 45 15' north latitude, reached the Pacific Ocean. This claim was 
under a title prior to the first patent to the Duke of York, and in conflict 
therewith, so far as it overlapped the territories of the latter. The contro- 
versy was not settled until May 18, 1773, when a line parallel with the 
Hudson, and about twenty miles easterly therefrom, was agreed upon as a 
boundary between the two colonies. This, however, did not dispose of the 
claim of Massachusetts to the territory lying west of the lands granted to 
the Duke of York. The western limits of the Duke's territories, which lie 
north of the parallel drawn through the northernmost sources of Delaware 
Bay, were vague and undefined in both his patents. New York, in view of 
this uncertainty, and to strengthen her patent title, asserted a right to ex- 
tend westerly to Lakes Erie and Ontario, founded mainly on a claim as 
successor to the Five Nations, and on the acquiescence of the British crown. 
This was stoutly resisted by Massachusetts, and it was not until December, 
1786, that a satisfactory arrangement was effected between the two colonies. 
By this settlement, New York granted to Massachusetts the title or right of 
pre-emption, exclusive of jurisdiction and sovereignty, in and to certain 
lands in the State of New York, lying between the Chenango and Tiough- 
nioga Rivers on the east, and the Owego River on the west, embracing 
230,400 acres in the present counties of Tioga, Broome, and Cortland ; also 
in and to all that portion of the present State of New York bounded north 
by Lake Ontario, south by Pennsylvania, west by a meridian drawn through 
the western extremity of Lake Ontario, and east by a meridian drawn from 


a point in the northern boundary of Pennsylvania, eighty-two miles west of 
the north-east corner of said State, excepting therefrom a strip one mile wide, 
extending along the east side of the Niagara River, from Lake Erie to Lake 
Ontario. Massachusetts, in consideration of the above grant, and while she 
reserved the right of pre-emption in the soil, relinquished to New York all 
sovereignty and jurisdiction over all that part of the State of New York 
lying west of a meridian drawn through Seneca Lake, and comprising what 
were subsequently known as the Phelp's and Gorham and Holland Land 
Companies' purchases. On the north-east, the line between New York 
and New Hampshire remained unsettled until October, 1790, when New- 
York consented that Vermont, which had been taken from the western part 
of New Hampshire and organized as a State, might be admitted into the 
Union with its present western boundary. This was ratified by Congress 
on February 18, 1791, and Vermont, under its present name, thus became 
one of the United States. On the south, Pennsylvania claimed, under the 
Charter of March 4, 168 1, from King Charles II., as far north as the 42d 
parallel. Connecticut claimed, under the Charter of April 23, 1662, grant- 
ed by the same king to John Winthrop and others, from the parallel of 
41 ° to the parallel of 42 2' . Thus a narrow strip two minutes, or about 
two and one-third miles wide, extending from the Delaware westerly as far 
as the western limits of New York, was claimed by both colonies. 

This controversy was terminated in favor of New York by an act of the 
General Assembly of Connecticut, passed in May, 1800, whereby it released 
all territorial and jurisdictional interest in all lands lying west of the eastern 
boundary of New York, in consideration of a conveyance to Connecticut 
by the United States of that tract of land in the north-east part of Ohio, 
since known as the ''Western Reserve," from the proceeds of the sales of 
which the noble school-fund of the latter State has been derived. 

The northern boundary of New York, being coterminous with that of 
the United States, was first defined and established by royal proclamation, 
October 7, 1763, and confirmed by act of Parliament in 1774, in fixing the 
limits of the Province of Que*bec. It was again defined by the second arti- 
cle of the treaty of peace concluded between the United States and Great 
Britain in 1783. The line was afterward surveyed and practically located 
in 1 817 and 18 18, by commissioners appointed under the fifth and sixth 
articles of the Treaty of Ghent. 

The boundary between New York and New Jersey remained unsettled 
until September 16, 1833, when an agreement was entered into by commis- 
sioners mutually appointed by the two States, and ratified by New York 
the next year, which effectually disposed of all further controversy. 



By the recent compact between New York and Connecticut, ratified by 
an act of the Legislature of New York, passed May 8, 1880, the last of the 
boundary disputes which have so long existed as subjects of irritation be- 
tween New York and her neighbors has been amicably and definitely set- 
tled. It now remains for the lines thus established by solemn agreement 
to be accurately surveyed and marked by permanent monuments, so that 
all possibility of future doubt may be removed. 

This is now being done in the most thorough manner along the division 
line between New York and Pennsylvania, under the direction of the Board 
of Regents of the University of New York, and the work should be ex 
tended to all other portions of the State boundary not defined by natural 




Three hundred years ago, upon the table-lands above the lowlands of 
the noble river, then known as the Powhatan, within twenty miles of the site 
of Richmond, the historic capital of the Fallen Confederacy, there stood in 
a clearing, surrounded by the primeval wilderness, a large collection of 
Indian huts. It was the town of the Monocans, and the eastern outpost of 
one of the aboriginal nations, which then possessed the territory of Virginia. 

Three powerful nations were then scattered over the different parts of the 
State. The Powhatans occupied the territory below the falls of the rivers 
emptying into the Chesapeake ; the Mannahoacs, the country above the 
falls of the Potomac and Rappahannock, and the Monocans, the upward slope 
from the falls of the James to the mountains. 

These nations were sprung from different stocks, and spoke languages so 
different from each other, that no philologist of the present day can derive 
them from the same root, and interpreters were necessary when the nations 
transacted business with each other. They were each divided into tribes, 
who spoke different dialects of the same language. 

The Powhatan, the most powerful of the three, was divided into thirty 
tribes, the names of some of which are now borne by the rivers and bays 
entering into the Chesapeake. The Mannahoacs had eight, and the Mono- 
cans five tribes. The latter nations were in friendship with each other, and 
were combined together in carrying on perpetual warfare against the Pow- 

The Mohemenco tribe of the Monocans occupied the town of which we 
have spoken, and was near the debatable line between them and the Pow- 
hatans, and many battles were fought over the same ground where, in our 
time, the strength and supremacy of our great Government was severely 

Time has wrought a sad change on these Indian nations. The names of 
the nations and the tribes, when not entirely extinct, are only preserved by 
those who do not know their origin. The site of this town is now occupied 
only by a country church and a way-side store, standing on the edge of a 
forest, at the fork of a common country road, one branch of which crosses 
James River at the " Mannakin" town ferry, and the other goes on directly 
to Richmond. A few miles below are the Huguenot Springs, a now de- 
serted watering-place ; and across the river, fringed by fertile lowlands in full 


cultivation, are seen the extensive works and buildings of the Mannakin 
Coal Mines. In the course of time another race and nation were to occupy 
the place of the Monocans, and like them, in the revolution of years, to be 
scattered and dispersed ; but unlike them, never to become extinct or for- 
gotten, or to leave no " footprints on the sands of time." 

The Huguenots of France, whose struggle against the Government had 
been terminated by the ability and power of Richelieu, although conquered, 
were permitted for a time to enjoy the freedom of conscience secured by 
the famous Edict of Nantes. But Louis XIV., despite the remonstran- 
ces of the Pope of Rome, of Catholic Spain, and all Protestant Europe, 
repealed the edict of religious freedom and commenced against them a per- 
secution only equalled by the atrocities of Nero and Caligula. To escape 
massacre and execution, fifty thousand families, having among them those 
distinguished by opinions and sentiments liberal beyond their age, by in- 
dustry and proficiency in literature and art, left their country for other 
climes, where, under vines and fig-trees other than those of La Vendee and 
Bordeaux, they might enjoy their own opinions and worship their God, 
and where the myrmidons of the bigot, Louis XIV., could not make them 
afraid. Some went to England, some to Holland, some planted their vine- 
yards on the Cape of Good Hope. The cruelty of the despot of France gave 
citizens to America. Many came to New York, more to the Carolinas, and 
in 1690 King William of Orange sent a large body of them to Virginia. 
They were naturalized by a special act passed for the purpose and by His 
Majesty's command, through the colonial government ; they were settled on 
the south side of James River, and were granted a tract of land extending 
from Bernard's Creek, just below the town of the Monocans, who, like them- 
selves, had left their homes and hearth-stones to enjoy, in a more impene- 
trable wilderness in the far West, that freedom which the Huguenots were 
to possess upon the spot where it had been denied to them. 

A large body of land extending along the south bank of the river, one 
mile from it in depth, and twenty-five miles in length, up the stream, includ- 
ing all the islands in the river opposite them, was granted to them by letters- 
patent. The southern line was chopped upon the trees, and, for a hundred 
years after, was known as the French line. The eastern boundary was 
Bernard's Creek, and the western was Salle's Creek, whose names now 
recall the foreign birth of the new settlers, as does the name of Sabot 
Island, whose shape resembles the wooden shoe of the French peasantry. 
The Colonial House of Burgesses, held " at his majesty es royall collcdge of 
William & Mary, adjoining to the Citty of Williamsbnrgh" on December 
5, 1700, "in the 1 2th year of his majesty es reign,' after confirming the 


grant of the land given them, established the settlement as a distinct parish, 
called King William's Parish, and exempting the " said French refugees " 
from the payment of public and county taxes and levies for seven years, 
which period of time was afterward further extended. 

Thus settled and encouraged, they determined at once, as they had left 
their old country for a new one on account of religion, that they would dis- 
card all the traditions, habits and prejudices of the Old World, and erect 
themselves into a community founded upon the precepts of the Bible and 
the example of the Apostles, and established a community of property, 
both real and personal. They divided the land into sections, running from 
the forest-line to the bank of the river, and allotted them to families accord- 
ing to size, and at intervals erected storehouses, into which each person 
able to labor was to deposit the crops made and gathered by him, and to 
receive therefrom the necessaries for himself and his family. But, as might 
have been supposed, this system would not work even in that industrious 
and moral community, and they then, by voluntary agreement, divided the 
lands of the settlement among themselves, according to what they con- 
sidered right, and having accomplished this partition without dispute or 
contention, held and worked their lands like the other settlers around them. 
Their crops showed at first that they still cherished the remembrance of 
the occupations of their native land. They took the wild vine of the coun- 
try and cultivated it, and made what Beverly, in his history, called " a 
strong-bodied claret ; " but they soon abandoned its cultivation, and, like 
other Virginians, raised the great staple of the colony. Having taken the 
country of the Indian, they cultivated his peculiar plant. Tobacco will 
always be associated with the Indian, whose history, in the words of 
Charles Lamb, is written upon the immortal tobacco-leaf. 

At this time, although many of their descendants still live in the county 
of Powhatan, and near what is now known as " Mannakin Town," they 
have been scattered abroad, like the rest of the sons of the " Old Do- 
minion," to every State and territory of our great country. Our news- 
papers lately contained an account of the murder of one La Prade, a 
descendant of one of the first settlers from France, and several others 
bearing the same name are now living not more than five miles from the 
site of the old " Monocan town." Only one family has retained in an 
uninterrupted line of descent the land allotted to it at the division of the 
territory first held in common. Up to the close of the late war, four 
brothers lived on adjoining farms, which their ancestors of the same name 
had owned in an uninterrupted descent for a hundred and sixty years, and 
one of them still holds his hereditary domain, bearing a name suggestive 


of his lineage — Tschamer De'Graffenreidt Michaux. For the most part 
these French names have been Americanized. Soublette is now meta- 
morphosed into Sublitt ; D'Aubigne into Dabney ; and Souinne into 
Sweeney, whose lineal descendant, Joe Sweeny, with his banjo, accompanied 
the gay and dashing rebel General J. E. B. Stuart through all his cam- 
paigns. The descendants of these Huguenots have preserved many of the 
characteristics of their forefathers. While no one of them, except Matthew 
Fontaine Maury, whose name is the property of America by his great work 
on the Geography of the Sea, has been distinguished for genius, yet all 
have been remarkable for good sense and sterling integrity. While fickle 
Fortune in the revolution of her wheel has made a great difference in their 
conditions and stations in life — some being opulent planters and others day- 
laborers for the owners of their paternal lands — while no one has been 
distinguished as a governor or president, general or statesman, or as hold- 
ing any high official position, yet no one holding in his veins any of the 
Huguenot blood has ever yet been convicted of any infamous offence. 

The most interesting relic of antiquity among them in the vicinity of 
their settlement is a large Bible containing the Old and New Testament 
without the Apocrypha, in the French language, which was brought over 
by one of the first immigrants from his native land, in which it is more 
than probable he was not there permitted to read. The first owner was 
one of the family of Chastaine, which name is now extinct except as a 
Christian name. It is now in the hands of one of his lineal descendants. 
This Bible was printed in Amsterdam. 




A quoi bon, tristes gens, vos ports et vos boutiques, 

Si vous trainez au flanc le principe du mal, 
Et si le vieux demon des fureurs politiques 

Vous emporte avec nous dans son cercle fatal ? 
Ce cercle est tout trace par notre antique histoire. 

A ton tour, peuple fier, tu saluras Cesar ; 
A ton tour tu verras, au seuil de ton pretoire, 

La tache de ton sang, la marque de son char ; 
Tu verras quelque fils des empereurs du Tibre, £-0 "b \0 

Porter un monde au bout de son sceptre insolent, 
Pareil au bateleur qui tient en equilibre 

Sur la pointe d'un glaive un disque chancelant ! 
Tu connaitras aussi les gloires, les conquetes, 

Et les sanglots perdus dans le bruit des tambours ; 
Le triomphe et le deuil, la panique et les fetes ; 

Apres les jours brillants, l'horreur des mauvais jours. 
Tu briseras tes lois, tu les voudras refaire, 

Et, jouet eternel de tes ambitieux, 
Quand l'un te voudra vendre un flambeau qui t'eclaire, 

L'autre te montera le baillon jusqu'aux yeux. 
A la feroce epee, a la toge hypocrite, 

Mendiant tour a tour des chartes pour tes droits, 
Tu feras comme nous, ton histoire est ecrite : 

Flux et reflux sans fin de l'anarchie aux rois. 

Ta fortune est vulgaire, et nous la croyions belle, 

O terre de Colomb ! et, quand la liberte, 
A travers l'ocean volant a tire-d'aile, 

Vint jeter dans tes bras son corps ensanglante, 
Nous la croyions ravie aux soufflets de la guerre, 

Et notre amour jalouse l'accompagnait la-bas. 
O terre de Colomb ! ta fortune est vulgaire, 

Nous te croyions benie, et tu ne l'etais pas. 



To what end, wretched race ! your ports, your wealth, 

If in your womb you bear the germ of ill ? 
If the old fiend of party-strife, by stealth 

Within our fatal orbit drags you still ? 
Traced is that orbit by our history. 

Proud race, thou too, at Caesar's feet shalt kneel ; 
On thy pretorian threshold thou shalt see 

Stains of thy blood, marks of his chariot-wheel. 
See some imperial son of Tiber still 

Thy world upon his insolent sceptre rear, 
Even as a juggler poises with nice skill, 

Upon a sword's keen point, a trembling sphere. 
Conquests ano^ glories thou shalt likewise know, 

And sobs drowned by the beating of the drum. 
Panics and feasts, and victory and woe ; 

After bright days, horror of days to come. 
And thou shalt break thy laws, then learn to prize ; 

Shalt be the plaything of ambitious minds. 
One offers thee a torch to light thine eyes, 

One with a gag up to thy forehead binds. 
To the fierce sword, the hypocritic gown, 

Begging a charter of thy rights, thou'lt go. 
As we do, so shalt thou ; thy history's known : 

From anarchy to kings an ebb and flow. 
Mean are thy fortunes that we thought so fair, 

Land of Columbus ! When young Freedom blest 
Soared o'er the ocean,, wide-winged through the air, 

Her wounded form within thine arms to rest, 
We deemed her safe from all the shocks of war — 

Our jealous love followed to yonder spot. 
Land of Columbus ! mean thy fortunes are ; 

We thought thee blessed — blessed thou art not ! 



High-hearted, deep-browed Poet, whose proud lyre 

Vibrated never to ignoble strain, 
What film obscures, what strange tears cloud the fire 

Of sight and soul ? What blind fears veil thy brain 


With thickly woven cobwebs of despair, 

There where thou need but open to the light 
Windows of vision, to be made aware 

Of radiant day-dawn and retreating night ? 
A clearer knowledge had brought braver faith, 

A closer insight shown an undreamed world. 
Pardon ! at thy Cassandra-notes of death 

The young Republic's smiling lips are curled. 
On thy sea-sundered coast thou canst but hear 

Our wrangling factions' echo, fierce debate, 
Vociferous party-strife — draw nigh thine ear 

To hear the People's Voice reverberate, 
A murmur like the ground-swell of the deep, 

Majestic and incessant. At a word — 
Touch but the springs of Love or Law ! — 'twill leap 

To thunder-music tuned to one accord. 
The People's Voice ! through cycles gagged or dumb, 

Whose wakening cry in Marat's France was " Blood ! " 
Trained to articulate speech, has here become 

The nation's counsellor for highest good. 
Think you the Olympian voice of Caesar now 

Their multitudinous eloquence could stem ? 
Far as a dream the turbid Tiber's flow, 

It holds nor past nor future ghosts for them. 
Nightmares fantastical as those, we fear, 

As France a second Alaric might wait. 
If History's orbit ringed a changeless sphere — 

A vicious circle — such would be your fate. 
No ! thine own words disprove the dismal creed, 

Uttered in happier hour, in braver mood — 
" Poet, wouldst thou dishearten us indeed, 

Thou shouldst have looked for less." * Thou too didst brood, 
With no mean hopes, upon Humanity 

With no vainglorious boast, with joy unfeigned, 
Sobered by thought of what was yet to be, 

Didst point to harvests reaped, to conquests gained. 
Come hither, in our thronging ports to see 

The Old World exiles swarming crowd on crowd, 

* " Pour nous decourager il fallait moins attendre." See Sully Prudhomme's poem to Alfred de 


Who seek the space to toil, the right to be, 

By centuries of bondage crushed and cowed. 
The free air bathes their brows, to their dazed eyes 

Long, broadening vistas of ambition ope. 
Wealth is the slave of their own energies, 

Honor and fame lie in the humblest's scope. 
From these, the refuse of your shores, behold 

The Man, the President, the hero rise, 
Great with the great occasion, self-controlled — 

Our corner-stone your builders did despise. 
No ! we may still be clogged by mortal weights, 

The burden of the flesh, the veils of sense, 
Hampered by creature-limits, narrow fates — 

But the historic curse has vanished hence : 
Bondage of man to man, the obsequious knee, 

The yoke about the neck, the impending sword. 
Our priceless Pearl, snatched from the insatiate sea, 

Think you, were lightly lost or rash restored ? 
Nations may mount and sink, Arts halt, advance, 

But Truth is fixed ; when once the Law is known, 
The world recedes not back to ignorance, 

From Galileo, Newton, Washington. 
As when the Arabian fisherman unsealed 

The mystic, wave-tost bottle, whence unfurled 
The sky-embracing vapor that revealed 

So vast a spirit as to dwarf the world, 
So from our precious vase of truth, distilled 

By the wise fathers, soars o'er land and sea, 
Till State and continent and globe are filled 

With awful beauty — the Djinn Liberty. 

Oh, were your black words true, were we " not blest," 

Were we too doomed with Prince and King and Czar, 
Were there no Cis- Atlantic goal of rest, 

For the Earth's Pariahs- — then would the world-star 
In red eclipse be blotted from the skies. 

The People, the blind Samson who has learned 
His fatal strength, mad with brute rage would rise, 

Nor stay his hand till chaos had returned. 





Additional documents in continuation of Appen- 
dix to the New Version of the Battle of Harlem 
Plains (Vol. IV., 375). 

The interesting memoir of the Evelyns 
in America, by G. D. Scull, recently 
printed for private circulation, at Oxford, 
in England, contains an extract from the 
note-book of an English officer who took 
a prominent part in the affair of Harlem 
Plains, which definitively closes the contro- 
versy as to the precise locality of the ac- 
tion. To this extract is now appended vari- 
ous collateral information, which has been 
brought to my notice by Mr. Kelby, the 
compiler of the original collection. 

The British officer was the well-known 
Captain John Montresor, who served as 
Engineer in the British Army in America 
for twenty-four years. He married in New 
York, purchased and resided upon the 
island (now known as Randall's), which 
during the Revolution bore his name. His 
map of the city of New York, engraved 
in 1767, known to all students, and his 
long residence in the vicinity of Harlem, 
are sufficient proof of his familiarity with 
the topography and names of the localities 
to which he refers. In this connection, 
attention is also called to the recent pub- 
lication of Mr. Riker's History of Har- 
lem, in which the site of the Black Horse 
Tavern of the Revolution, to which fre- 
quent allusion is made in the documents 
and letters of the period, and also that of 
the Kortright house on Harlem Plains, 
both of which are landmarks in the con- 
troversy, are finally established. 


Extract from the note-book of Captain John 

The 1 6th Sept., 1776, the action on 
Vandewater's Height, near Harlaem, on 
New York Island, I procured two 3 
Pounders, Brass, with Lt : Wallace, Royal 
Artillery. No horses being near Mc- 
Gowns's, where the Guns were, had them 
hauled by hand, and brought into action 
to face the Enemy, who were attempting 
to cut off our Left, and getting round us 
between our Left and Hudson's River. 
The proposal was my own, and had its 
desired effect, no other Guns being in the 
Field, and 60 rounds from each were fired. 
[The Evelyns in America, page 265]. 

Extract from a Journal of the operations of the 
army under Sir William Howe. By a British 

Sept. 1 6th — This day there was a smart 
action near Bloomingdale, in which the 
Light Infantry suffered ; but, on being sup- 
ported by the reserve, under the Honble. 
Major-General Vaughan, the Rebels were 
defeated with great loss. 

[The Evelyns in America, page 321.] 

Extract of a letter from Captain Evelyn to the 
Hon. Mrs. Boscawen, dated New York Is land \ 
September 24, 1776. 

The next day [Sept. 16] a few com- 
panies of Light Infantry were prompted 
to attack a party of the rebels, and with 
more ardour than discretion, pushed them 
to their very lines, where they were sup- 
ported by their cannon, and by three or 
four thousand men. This obliged us to 
support our people, and brought on a 
skirmish, in which we had nine or ten men 
killed, a few officers and about ninety men 
wounded, and which answered no other 
end than to prove our superiority even in 



their beloved woods, as the ground we 
gained we did not want, but went back 
at night to that we had left in the morning. 
[The Evelyns in America, page 194.] 

Extract of a letter from Capt. Francis Hutc he- 
son, Assistant Secretary to Sir William Howe, 
to Gen. Frederick Haldii7iand, Governor of 

Campt at Turtle Bay near New York 
Sept. 24, 1776. 
Dear Sir 

On Sunday the 15th inst the 
Army landed at Kipp's Bay from the op- 
posite shore on Long Island, under the 
fire of four men of war, and tho' the 
Rebels made a show for some time of 
manning their extensive works, they aban- 
doned the whole & fled to the Heights 
near the Blue bell above Harlem, where 
they have made some strong works & 
still remain. Our advanced post is at the 
Black Horse tavern & the army is posted 
from the North to the East Rivers, quite 
across the country above Mr. Apthorpe's. 
We had but 4 killed and 14 wounded 
of the Hessian troops, in this great suc- 
cess, but the next day (the 16th) the Light 
Infantry advancing a little too far, were 
attacked by a large body, by which we 
lost 9 killed and about 70 wounded, how- 
ever they kept their ground till supported 
by the Grenadiers & brought off all their 
wounded, & killed 60 of the Rebels & 
took about 50 prisoners. 

[Haldiman MSS. in the British Museum.] 

From a Manuscript Journal kept by George In- 
man, Lieut, of the 16th Foot, now in posses- 
sion of his great-grandson, Charles R. Hilder- 
burn, of Philadelphia. 

At the date of this entry Lieut. Inman 
was in New York City. 

1776 "On the 15 Sept ... a Bri- 
gade took possession of the City ; 
the next day, the 3d Lt. Infantry 
under Major Johnson of the 28th 
advancing too near the Enemy's 
lines, they came down in force 
which nearly brought on a Gen- 
eral engagement." 

Officers wounded Sept. 16, 1776 
15th Foot Capt. Mitchell 

" Lt. Leigh 
28 " Lt. Jepson 


Major Murray 

" " Capt. McPherson 
" " " Mcintosh 

" " Ensign McKenzie (died Sept. 

Letter to the Committee of Tryon County 

Fishkill 21st Sep tr . 1776. 

Gent n . 

By reason of the Multiplicity 
of Busness that hath Laterly turned up 
the Convention has not yet entered on 
the mode of Government nither do wee 
know when it will be taken up & there- 
fore think it would be both prudent & 
more Easy to Reduce the Quorum of 
three for our County to a less Number as 
you in your wisdom may think fit as we 
take it for granted the Quorum was ad- 
vanced puerly in that of the mater of 
Government of this Exampel, wee have 
Instances in sum of the other Counties. 

The Currant News is nearly thus about 
the midel of Last week our army avacu- 
ated New York — and brought with them 
their Artilery and Ordinence Stores of 
Every kind exsept a Quantity of flower 
thay Culd not Remove and have made 
their Grand Stand on the hither end of 
York Island and near kings Bridge from 




whence thay are Determened not to be 

Last Sunday the Enemy Landed a larg 
boddy of Troops at Turtle Bay under 
Cover of their Ships from which thay 
fiered So warmly on our Lines that our 
tropes at that place whoo ware but fue 
was obleg'd to Retrate to Sum Hights at 
a distance, the Enemy amemaetly formed 
a lines a Crose the Island our Army on 
monday Got a reinforcement & met them 
in the open field on which a hot Ingage- 
ment insued near Harlem, which lasted 
above two howers (in plattune fiering) in 
the Action our Army drove back the En- 
emy to thare Mean Body & Slue many of 
their men tuck a standerd 3 bras Cannon 
and a large number of muskets, with 
the Los of only 30 kiled and wouned on 
our Side this acttion hath so raised the 
Spirets of our men that thay are impa- 
tient to have another heat at them, 

It is Lick wise aferened that our fier 
Ships hase Burned 2 of their men of ware 
and a tender 

We are Gent" with all Due Esteen your 
Very Hum 1 . serv t8 . 

John Moore 
William Harper 
volkert veeder 

To the Chairman 

and Members of the I 
Committee of Tryon f 

Directed "To John Frey Esq'. 
Chairman of the Committee of 
Tryon County. 

Wm. Harper's letter to committee 
while in Prov. Cong. 
[Miscellaneous MSS. N. Y. Historical Society.] 

Extract of a Letter from Peter Du Inns to 
Major Co/den, Written at Second River, N. f. 

Tuesday, Sept. 17, 1776. 

We have Three different and Equally 
Confused Accounts of Another Action 
Yesterday between the Hours of 10 & 2 
°Clock, Said to have happen'd on the 
Bank of Hudsons River about Two Miles 
higher than M r . Apthorps, Near where 
the Gully Terminates that Crosses the 
Island as you Enter Harlem Lane from 
Kingsbridge, in which Common fame by 
the Bye a Most Notorious Liar Says The 
Regular Troops were Routed with the 
Loss of about 400 Men Killd Wounded 
& prisoners with three field pieces whilst 
the Provincials lost only 48 Men. 

I have Endeavord to Trace the Re- 
ports But Cannot deduce their Origin 
farther than from some Associators Now 
Universally known here by the Denomi- 
nation of Flying Camp Men. These with 
one or More of the Heroic Battalions of 
their Corps were Posted at a Fort lately 
thrown up on the Jersey Shore, nearly 
Opposite to Fort Washington declare 
they saw the Engagement, from the 
heights opposite to it x on the Jersey shore 
& that a boat with some people in it had 
come a Cross the River from whom they 
heard these particulars. As yet I suspend 
my opinion of the Number Lost on either 
Side But think it probable there has 
been an Action and that the British 
Troops have Retreated — first Because 
Twenty seven flat Bottom Boats full of 
Soldiers were seen to go up the North 
River Early on Monday Morning — Sec- 
ondly Because We have had Acco ts . that 
the Provincials Began to throw up In- 
trenchments at this place a Sunday After- 
noon at which they continued to Work 



all Night. And the Reporters Say the 
British Troops forced the first Line of 
Their Intrenchments and were on the 
Brink of Carrying the second when they 
were flanked by a Body of Riflemen which 
induced them to Retreat — I think it prob- 
able The Kings Troops have been if not 
totally, in a great Measure Ignorant of 
the Intrenchments and possibly highly 
elated with their late Successes and prob- 
ably but Indifferently Acquainted w lh The 
Surrounding Grounds — All which Circum- 
stances must have been of bad tendency 
to them — But may teach their Command- 
ers a Lesson of Military Wisdom — Not to 
Undervalue their Enemy, To be Cautious 
& Circumspect before they Advance And 
thoroughly to Reconnoitre the Enemys 
defences as well as the Surrounding 

Wednesday, Sept. 18 th . 1776. 
I have just seen an officer of The Jer- 
sey Forces from fort Washington who says 
he was in the Action on Monday. His 
Name is Deane & of the 5 th . Reg*. He 
told me The Regular Troops about 1000 
in Number principally of Fraziers Reg*. 
Attacked their Advanced post in its In- 
trenchments, But on a Brigade Appearing 
to Reinforce them Retreat d . That by Es- 
timation they must have had Killd & 
Wounded about 200 Men That the Pro- 
vincials had only 11 Killd & 15 wounded 
among the former a New England Collo- 
nell. — He says the Main force of The 
British Army is Collected at the Seven 
Mile Stone Extending Cross the Island — 
That the Provincials have thrown up very 
strong lines from Harlem River a Cross 
to Hudsons River at the Nine Mile 
Stone, and have 10,000 Men the Flower 

of their Troops Encamp' d without the 
Lines Determind to Oppose the Regu- 
lars in the field sho d . they attempt the 
heights, — that the Remainder of the Pro- 
vincials are in different Encampments 
from Coll°. Morris's to Kings Bridge & 
beyond it and Consist of about 20,000 
men, who are all in high Spirits — this Ac- 
count of the Engagement and of The 
Disposition of the Two Armys is the most 
probable & The Most Distinct of any I 
have yet heard & therefore I have given, 
it you by way of Supplement. 
[McKesson Papers, N. Y. Historical Society.] 

Gen. Clinton'' s copy of his letter to the N. Y. 

King's Bridge 18th Sep r . 1776. 

Gentlemen — Since my last many Mat- 
ters of great Importance to the public & 
more particulary to this State have taken 
Place but I have been so situated as 
neither to find Leisure or Opportunity of 
communicating them to Congress. I re- 
turned late last Night from the Command 
of the Picket or Advance Party in the 
Front of our Lines & was just setting 
down to write to the Convention & in- 
tended sending an Express when I was 
favoured with yours of yesterday. 

About the Middle of last Week it was 
determined for many Reasons to evacuate 
the City of New York and accordingly, 
Orders were given for removing the Or- 
donance & Militittary & other Stores from 
thence which by Sunday Morning was 
nearly effected. On Satturday four of the 
Enemy's large Ships passed by the City 
up the North River & anchored near 
Greenage and about as many more up the 
East River which anchored in Turtle Bay 
and from the Movements of the Enemy 



on Long Island & the small Islands in the 
East River we had great Reason to ap- 
prehend they intended to make a landing 
and attack our Lines somewhere near the 
City. Our Army for some Days had been 
moveing this way & encamping on the 
Heights Southwest of Col . Morris's where 
we intended to form Lines & make our 
grand stand. — On Sunday Morning the 
Enemy landed a very Considerable Body 
of Troops principally consisting of their 
Light Infantry & Grenadiers near Turtle 
Bay under Cover of a very heavy Can- 
nonade from their Shipping. Our Lines 
were but thinly manned as they were more 
intended only to secure a Retreat to the 
Rear of our Army and unfortunately by 
such Troops as were so little disposed to 
stand in the Way of Grape Shot that the 
Main Body of them almost instantly re- 
treated, nay fled without a possibility of 
rallying them tho' Gen 11 Washington him- 
self (who rid to the Spot on hearing the 
Cannonade) with some other Gen'-Of- 
ficers exerted themselves to effect it. The 
Enemy on Landing immediately formed 
a line across the Island most of our People 
were luckilly North of it & joined the 
Army. The few that were in the City 
Crossed the River chiefly to Paulus Hook 
so that our Loss in Men Artillery or Stores 
is very inconsiderable. I dont believe it 
exceeds ioo Men& I fancy most of them 
from their Conduct staid out of Choice. 
Before Evening the Enemy landed the 
Main Body of their Army, took Possession 
of the City & marched up the Island & 
encamped on the Heights extending from 
McGowns or the Black Horse to the 
North River. 

On Monday Morning about 10 oclock 
a Party of the Enemy consisting of High- 

landers, Hessians the Light Infantry & 
Grenadiers of the English Troops, the 
numbers uncertain, attacked our Ad- 
vanced Party commanded by Col 1 Knovvl- 
ton at Maje Davits Fly they were oposed 
with Spirit & soon made to retreat to a 
clear Field Southwest of that about 200 
Paces where they lodged themselves be- 
hind a Fence covered with Bushes, Our 
People attacked them in Force & a rein- 
forcement with 2 Field Pieces being or- 
dered in they caused them to retreat a 
second Time leaving 5 Dead on the Spot. 
We pursued them to a Buckwheat Field 
on the Toop of a high Hill distant about 
400 Paces where they received a very 
Considerable Reinforcement with some 
Field Pieces & made a stand, then a very 
brisk action ensued at this Place, which 
continued about two Hours our People 
at length worsted them a third Time 
caused them to fall back into an Orchard 
from thence across a Hollow & up another 
Hill not far distant from their own Lines. 
A large Collum of the Enemy's Army be- 
ing at this Time discovered to be in Motion 
and the Ground we then occupied being 
rather disadvantageous a Retreat likewise 
without bringing on a Genl Action which 
we did not think prudent to Risk rather 
insecure. Our Party was therefore or- 
dered in & the Enemy was well contented 
to hold the last Ground we drove them to. 
We lost on this occasion Col . Knowl- 
ton a brave Officer, Major Leatch of Vir- 
ginia and 15 Privates killed & About 8 or 
10 Subaltern Officers & Privates Wound- 
ed. The Loss of the Enemy is uncer- 
tain they carried their Dead and wounded 
off in & soon after the Action but we 
have good Evidence of their having up- 
wards of Sixty killed & violent presump- 



tion of ioo. The Action lasted in the 
whole About 4 Hours. 

I consider our Success in this Small 
Affair at this Time almost equal to a Vic- 
tory, it has animated our Troops & 
gave them a new Spirit & erased every 
bad Impression the Retreat from Long 
Island &c had left on their Minds. They 
find they are able with inferior Numbers 
to drive their Enemy & think of nothing 
now but Conquest. Since the above noth- 
ing material has happened, the Enemy 
keep close to their Lines, our Advanced 
Parties continue at their former Station. 
We are daily throwing up Works to pre- 
vent the Enemy's advancing, great At- 
tention is paid to Fort Washington — the 
Posts opposite to it on the Jerssy Shore 
& the Obstructions in the River which I 
have reason to believe is already effectual 
so as to prevent their Shipping passing, 
however it is intended still to add to them 
as it is of the utmost Consequence to 
keep the Enemy below us. None of 
Smith's or Remsen's Regiment have yet 
joined me nor do I believe they intend. 
I have heard that many have gone over 
on the Island continue there. I have 
not been able to get any late acc ta from 
thence except that I have heard & be- 
lieve & hope Gen 1 Woodhull is not dead 
as was reported. We are getting a New 
Supply of Connecticut Militia in here, if 
they are not better than the last, I wish 
they woud keep them at Home. I hope 
however they are. They look better. A 
Regiment or two lately arrived from Vir- 
ginia. I cant recollect anything else 
worth mentioning. 

I am with much Respect your most 
Obed* Serv\ 

Geo Clinton. 

We shall want a Quantity of Oak Plank 
for Platform & Square Timbers how can 
it be procured I am sure our Q M Gen 1 
if left to him will fail in getting of it. The 
Gen 1 desired me to inquire how it can be 

[Clinton Papers, N. Y. State Library.] 

At the ceremonies on the laying of the corner-stone 
of the Reformed Dutch Church in Orchard 
Street, between Broome atid Delancey Streets, 
September, 1827, the venerable Colonel Henry 
Rutgers, in a short address, thus alluded to 
the action at Harlem, Septe7?tber 16, 1776. 
I cheerfully joined the army at Brook- 
lyn Heights ; and after that skirmish I 
escaped with the retreating army to the 
City of New York. I returned at once 
to my peaceful dwelling, but was soon 
after commanded to join the army in its 
farther retreat to Haerlem Heights. 

On mounting my horse, and retiring 
across the fields in the immediate vicinity 
of this spot, with a slow step and an 
anxious state of mind, I contemplated 
my then present situation and my future 

prospects Soon after this, a 

division of the British army, taking the 
Bloomingdale Road, arrived at Manhat- 
tan Ville (now so called.) Some sharp 
shooting immediately commenced be- 
tween the riflemen of each army, in a 
buckwheat field, situated in the valley 
between them ; many brave men on both 
sides were killed, and many more were 
wounded. The British were brought to 
Haerlem River, and from thence they 
were conveyed by water, to my dwelling 
house, which I had very recently left, but 
which had already received the mark of 
Confiscation on the south door (and, my 
friends, that mark I have taken care still 
to preserve on my door). My dwelling 




ouse was then occupied by them as an 
Hospital, a Store House, or Barracks, as 
the circumstances of the times required. 
[Magazine of the Reformed Dutch Church, Oc- 
tober, 1827, Vol. II., p. 412.] 

Extract of a letter from Captain George Flem- 
ing to Major Sebastian Bait man, of the zd N. 
Y. Artillery, dated, Camft at Peeks Kill, May 
29, 1777. 

A few days ago David Owen got here 
having Deserted from the Enemy. He 
says the day [probably Oct 5] he left 
us on the Rock at the Advanced Post 
near Harlem, he went to a Tavern in 
Harlem to get Wine which was gave 
Gratis, where he was surrounded & car- 
ried to Gen. Howe, who after examining 
him committed him ; that at the expira- 
tion of three days he listed in a Tory 
Reg 1 , with an intent to Desert, and had 
no oppatunity until the other day, as he 
was immediately sent to Long Island on 

[Bauman Papers, N. Y. Historical Society.] 

Hessiatt account of the action. 

On the 16 th of September a tolerably 
hot battle took place on York Island. 
The Americans on the morning of that 
day sent from their encampment a strong 
detachment which came out of the wood 
and stood (arose) openly on the left side 
of the river. Immediately the 2 d and 3 d 
Regiments of light infantry proceeded, 
supported by the 42" Regiment, and 
drove the enemy back to their intrench- 
ments. This was intended to allure the 
pursuit deeper in the wood, where, for 
their support, a strong division stood 
ready under cover which amounted to 
more than 3,000 men. Gen. Leslie, 

who here commanded the British, ob- 
tained soon a strong standing place. 
Lieut. Van Don op, who now had the 
command, fell back for assistance upon 
the British Regiment standing nearest to 
him. The former went forward immedi- 
ately with his jagers and the battallion of 
Grenadiers of Linsingen, while he ordered 
the two Grenadier batallions of Block 
and Minnigerode to occupy the outly- 
ing defiles on the road to Kingsbridge. 
The jagers foremost and in swarms soon 
came to the Hoylands Hill in a severe 
contest, but as the Battallion of Linsin- 
gen speedily came to their assistance 
the Americans retired. The jagers lost 
8 wounded, among them Lieut. Hein- 
richs. The Jagers and the batallion of 
Grenadiers bivouacked here in the wood 
not far from Bloomingdale, and when the 
next morning both the other grenadier 
batallion also came hither, Donop with 
his brigade established here an encamp- 
ment. The Hessians assisted here the 
British out of the mire. Donop at other 
times so modest, said in his report to 
General Von Heister : 

" Besides my Jagers were two Regiments 
of mountain-shooters [Highlanders] and 
the British Infantry were by chance alto- 
gether spent when they were attacked by 
a force of four times their strength, and 
the General Leslie had made a great mis- 
take in sending forward these brave fel- 
lows into a wood so far and without 
support. " 

On this occasion Captains Wreden and 
Lorey especially distinguished themselves. 
The first advanced 90 paces before his 
Jagers in the line of fire, and the last him- 
self shot down the leader of a hostile ba- 
tallion. The Enemy lost about 300 dead 



and wounded. Among the latter were 
Col. Knowlton and Major Leith. Both 
soon after died of their wounds. On this 
side the loss amounted to 14 dead and 78 
wounded. Among the last Seven English 

Note.— Taken from the Journal of General 
Van Heister & the diary of Captain V. d. Malz- 
burg. Stedman in his " History of the American 
War " refers to the matter almost in the same 
manner, excepting only that the 42d English Regi- 
ment is said to have been sent as a reinforce- 
ment, and there is no mention made of the Hes- 

(Then comes a reference to Washington Irving 
and a remark that it is not settled whether the 
two field-pieces were English or German.), 
[Translated from Von Elking's Die deutschen 

Hiilfstruppen in Nordamericanischen Befrei- 

ungskriege, 1776 bis 1783.] 

References to the action in the manuscripts of 
Gen. Knox. 

Gen. Knox, in a letter to his brother, 
dated Mount Washington, Sept. 19, 1776, 
speaks of being so much engaged as to 
have had no time to write, and says, 
" the rascally Hessians took my baggage 
waggon with the greater part of my 

Mrs. Knox writing to Wm. Knox, Sept. 
20, from New Haven, speaks of our army 
evacuating New York, and also says, "in 
the battle of Monday we had great success, 
but it (the battle) was not general; about 
fifteen hundred of ours engaged about an 
equal number of theirs and drove them 
two miles wide of their encampment." 
[Knox Papers, N. E. Hist. Genl. Soc'y-] 

street belzueen Fifth and Sixth Avenues, and 
marked on the road map of Colles in 1 7 89 as 
Leggefs Tavern, was the Black Horse of the 

Dear Sir 

The Tavern referred to in the 
road map of 1789 is the Black Horse 
Tavern of Revolutionary fame. I have 
been in the house in my boyhood, and if 
you desire I can at any time give you a 
full description of the house and sur- 
roundings. The house was set on fire 
and burned down about the year 1809, 
perhaps 1808. You may accept the lat- 
ter date, 1808. 

Will be happy to give you any infor- 
mation that I can in reference to the old 
Black Horse if you have no idea of it. 

S. Benson McGown. 

Letter from Mr. McGown, dated Feb. 7, 188 1, 
in reply to the query ; ** If the tavern eight 
blocks south of Mc Gowri's house on the Kings- 
bridge road, north side of the present gjth 

In the month of February, 1878, Mr. Edward F. 
de Lancey co??imunicated copies of the follow- 
ing curious documents to the IV. Y. Historical 
Society. The Statement of Jones (the original 
in possession of Dr. Purple, of this city) writ- 
ten on both sides of a sheet of foolscap, is unfor- 
tunately imperfect. 

By a Resolve of Congress of the 18 th 
Oct r 1775, It was Ordered that a well 
Authenticated Ace 1 of the Hostilities 
Committed by the Ministerial Troops & 
Navy in America Since March Last, 
Should be Collected with Proper Evi- 
dence of the Truth of the facts related, 
As Also the Number of Buildings de- 
stroyed by them, with the Number & 
Value of the Vessels Inward & Outward 
Bound which had been Seized by them 
Since that Period as near as the Value 
can be Ascertained, Also the Stock taken 
from different Parts of the Continent. In 



Pursuance of the Above Resolve, the 
Following Memoran" 1 of Damages Sus- 
tained by Nicholas Jones of New York 
Exhibits from Sep 1 18. 1776 to Nov r 1783, 
at New York, & Bloomingdoll. 

At Bloomingdoll 

15 Tons of Fresh Hay @ £8, 
5 Tons Salt D° @ ^3.11 
Cow @ £is £300 

3 Steers & a Heifer @ ^15. 
4 yearlings at 60/ 1 1 Hogs 
@ 2 Guin* 113. 1.4 

90 Bushels Wheat @ 6/ 20 
D° Rye @ 4/6 & 40 D° 
Oats @ 3/ 37.10 

a Bay Horse ^25. a young 

Blooded Bay Mare ^25 .. 50. 

2 Waggons & a Cart, Sled & 
Sleigh & Sundry farming 
Utensils 57. 

10 Barrils Vinegar @ 30/ 2 
Clocks @ ^25, a Harppi- 
chord ^50 115. 

a Mahogany Desk ^14, Con- 
taining Papers, Receipts, 
Canceld Bonds, & a Va- 
riety of Interesting Deeds, 
Jewelry & a Trunk pier 
Glasses @ ^12.2 Beds 
Bedsteads Bedding &c. 

^30 90- 

Air pump, Apparatus, Books 

Perspective &c 30. 

Carpets ^10. Saddles £8. a 
Hamper & 2 Boxes fine 
China ^30 48. 

a Chest of Plate Chased & 
Plain between 4 & 5 hund d 
Oz 373-6.8 

Sundry Stores of flour Butter, 

Goathes &c 50. 

1 100 Pannel of Fence ^£"300 
Garden, Yard, Gates &c, 
pail fence ^140 450. 

3 Orchards of Best Ingrafted 

fruit Trees, Chiefly Winter 1,600. 

The Barn, Farm House, 
Granary, Coach House, 
Barrack, Cyder Mill 770. 

a Field of Indian Corn & 
one of Buckwheat Worth 
^150 but charged Only. . 30. 

The Whole Stock of Timber, 
by Survey Consisting of 
700 trees from 3 feet to 3 
feet 4 Inches Diameter, 
which as property Con- 
fered by Proclamation was 
Estimated @ 42,000. 

Vouchers for fuel of Sub 
Timber @ £4 $ Cord by 
Proc 4,000. 

Damages by fire in 76 & 78 4,000. 

Occupancy of the Farm 
from Sep* 76 to Nov r 8$ 
Comparatively with Bil- 
lets, on the presumption 
of Proclam 1 20,000. 

Abbatis for an Extensive 
Range of Works from the 
River to Mc Go wen's Pass, 
which Comprehends Tim- 
ber for the Forts, & Plat- 
forms for the Redoubts, 
for upwards of 1800 Yards Unspeakble 

Which with a Hoghshead of 
Pewter Ware, & Family 
Pewter Copper Utensils & 
other Culinary Materials, 
are beyond Estimation to 
any degree of Accuracy 

To Pursue the General Idea of the Act 
of Congress Limiting the final Audit of 



Claimants on the Resolve Aforesaid it 
may be presumed no Impropriety to ad- 
duce on Evidence In Behalf of National 
Allies, Comparatively with Resolves of 
Congress Viz, I Have Already Issued 
(General Tryons Proc". Dated 8 th March) 
One hundred & twenty one Commis- 
sioners to as many Private Vessels of 
War, that in the Short space of Time 
Elapsed Since the Eighteenth of Sep- 
tember East, the Prize Vessels Arrived 
here Amount to One hundred & Sixty 
five and their Total Value to Above Six 
hundred thousand pounds, lawful Money 
of New York at the Antient Currency of 
Eight Shillings a Milled Dollar & that by 
these Captures & the Signal 

This is to certify that the Regiment 
Prince Hereditary of Hessian consisting 
of one Collonel, one Major, Two Capi- 
tains, Fifteen Subalderns and five hun- 
dred ninty two Rank and file, included 
artillerie, Encamped at Bloumendall & 
the Estate of Mr Jones the 2 1 day of 
September 1776 and there furnished whit 
firewood from the same Estate to the 5 
day of Decemb r following 

B Ludewig 

Lf n . M n . Major 
Von Hackenberg 

A Buck-Wheat field 

Taken up by Humphry Jones in the 
Bowery, a black Horse, with a star, shod 
all round ; He has done much damage to 
a field of Buck-Wheat. Whoever he may 
belong to, is desired to send for him, and 
pay Charges 

[N. Y. Gazette, Sept. 18, 1769.] 

The yones Farm. The house was located about 
the line of 107 th Street, west 0/ nth Avenue. 

To be Sold a Farm at Bloomingdale, 
about 200 acres more or less, seven miles 
from the city, on said farm is a large 
srrong stone built house, pleasantly situ- 
ated near the North River, conditions for 
the sale will be made easy to a purchaser. 
For particulars apply to Nicholas Jones 
on the premises, by whom an indisputable 
title will be given 

[The Royal Gazette, Oct. 28, 1780.] 

Extracts from a Manuscript Order Book of the 
British Foot Guards, 1776. 

Sept. 20. All the facines and pickets to be 
carried to Jones's house near 
the North River and to Major 
Musgroves advanced post to 
the left of McGowan's House. 
Sept. 21. A working party of 400 men will 
parade to morrow and march 
to McGowans House 
Sept. 23. All remaining fascines to be sent 
to Jones's House 

" 24. The workingparty at McGowan's 
Hill to consist of 200 men 
only till further orders 

" 25. The working party at McGowans 
Hill will consist of 100 men 
only till further orders. 

" 28. A working party of 100 men to 
parade at daybreak on the 
Road to the right of Jones's 

" 30. 50 more men to be added to the 
working party to the right of 
Jones's House 
Oct. 2. 100 facines with pickets to be 
sent as soon as possible to the 
Rock Redoubt on the Right 
of Jones's House 



Oct. 4. A Corporal & 6 men to be posted 
this evening at gun firing by 
Capt. Emerick at the North 
River Shore near Little Bloom- 
ingdale to allow no boats to 
ply without a proper pass ; a 
guide will conduct the relief 
in the morning 
" 6. 50 men only to work at Jones's 

" 11. Lieut Gen. Earl Percy is to com- 
mand on N. Y. Island & parts 

Extract from a diary of Solomon E. Clift. 

A party from the enemy attacked the 
Americans, when a battle ensued, and 
continued about two hours, when the 
enemy gave way, and were pursued about 
two miles. In this action, the brave and 
intrepid Colonel Knowlton of Ashford, 
in Connecticut, was killed ; and it is said 
Colonel Seldon, of Lyme, is among the 
slain. The loss the enemy sustained is 
said to have been very considerable. Our 
army is now between the nine and ten 
mile stones (Harlem) where they are 
strongly fortified and intrenched. The 
enemy's lines are about one mile and a 
half below them. 
[Moore's Diary of the American Revolution, I., 

Extract from the Autobiography of General 
Samuel Smith. 

After the retreat from Long Island the 
regiment [Small wood's Maryland Regi- 
ment] marched to Harlem, about eight 

miles from the City, where it lay en- 
camped until the enemy landed on York 
Island [Sept. 15]. It then removed to 
the heights, near Fort Washington ; 
pitched its tents; and advanced to the 
Heights of Harlem, to cover the Militia, 
retreating along the North River. The 
enemy made no advance that day ; and 
the Regiment returned at night to its 
encampment. A smart skirmish took 
place the next day, between a Virginia 
Regiment and a detachment of the enemy. 
Smallwood's Regiment was ordered to re- 
inforce it, but did not march, the enemy 
having retired. 

[Historical Magazine, Feb., 1870.] 

Extract from a letter of Governor Trumbull, of 
Connecticut, to his Son Joseph, at Harlem, 
dated Lebanon, list September, I'j'jd. 

The City is then left an Asylum & 
resting place for our Enemies — I sup- 
pose all the Heights which inviron it — 
Bayard's — Jones' &c are abandoned to 
them. — 

Strange ! that they who fight pro aris 
& fosis, should behave in such a paltroon 
manner as you mention some of them did 
on Sunday — It seems some others made 
up for it on Monday — I lament the loss 
of the brave L r Col° Knolton — would 
others behave with the spirit and bravery 
he did, Our Affairs would soon put on a 
different Aspect. 

What is there to prevent the Enemies' 
Ships going up North River — Or their 
penetrating by East River into the Sound. 
[From Judge Shipman, of Hartford.] 


NOTES It will appear by the above, that the 
The last of the MOHEGANS-We condition of the tribe is peculiarly favor- 
have lately had an opportunity to inspect able for thelr improvement in morals, and 
a very minute and particular statement those arts of life u P on wh, <* comfort and 
of the number and present condition of happiness chiefly depend, and it is to be 
the Mohegan Indians, drawn up by the regretted that this improvement is much 
overseer of the tribe, and have been per- needed > Particularly among the males, 
mined to make the following abstract : The attention of the benevolent has for 

some time past been drawn toward these 
The whole number of persons at pres- long-neglected sons of the forest, espe- 
ent is 80, of whom are daily since the efforts for the suppression 
Men 23 of intemperance have met with such de- 
Women 24 cided success in various parts of our 

Children 27 country. Within a few weeks a society 

Children residing in Massachusetts . 6 has been formed in this town for the pur- 
pose of raising funds to build a small 

Residing at Mohegan 62 chapd or church for the use of the In _ 

Other places 18 ^ians, and from present appearances there 

T, • -, ., .. , A/r , ,, are some hopes of success. That such 

Besides the natives at Mohegan. there r 

, ,.. , . j ,, • measures are duly appreciated by the 

are 60 white persons, tenants and their . • *,*«_ 

c -y ,, • , -, 1 • ,. 1 1 natives, and will be followed by corre- 

famihes on their lands, making the whole ' J 

number of residents on the Indian Reser- s P° n <hng advantages, is very certain. In 

the immediate vicinity of the road lead- 

vation 122. . . . J 

ing from this city to New London, there 

The number of deaths from the In- is a hill, from which both places are dis- 

dians in three years. 4 tinctly visible, and on or near this spot it 

Births 8 is proposed to erect a building. The 

Houses on Reservation 25 stones of the old Uncas Fort (hard by) 

Of which are occupied by the In- , may be used in building the walls, and 

dians 13 the whole expense will be very trifling 

And by white tenants 12 compared with the benefit which may 

reasonably be expected to flow from reg- 

The land owned by them contains about ular instruction in correct morals. The 

2, 700 acres, of which is held, in.common, nearest church of any denomination is 

about 300, belonging to the tribe, and by about five miles distant, and, from the 

individuals (of the tribe), 2,400 acres, the peculiar habits of the Indians, it becomes 

annual rent of which is divided among necessary to bring these things to them, 

them. Among the individuals of this and if the plans now in agitation can be 

people is one, a widow, of the patriarchal matured, they will be crowned with abun- 

age of ninety-seven, and has descendants dant success. 

to the fifth generation living with her un- While we are upon the subject of the 

der the same roof. present situation of this remnant of a 



once powerful tribe of Indians who were 
in former days a great protection to the 
inhabitants who first settled this town 
and vicinity, we cannot but wonder that 
the descendants of those who were bene- 
fited by their friendship and protection 
should feel so little interest in the last of 
the Mohegans. While we are sending 
thousands after thousands, even hundreds 
of thousands of dollars, for the benefit of 
the heathen in foreign lands, nothing is 
doing to reclaim from error those who 
dwell upon the beautiful hills within sight 
of our town. 

It is astonishing also, to us, that any 
of the white inhabitants who dwell in the 
vicinity of the Indians should be base 
enough to commit depredations upon 
their lands, notwithstanding all the vigi- 
lance that can be used by the overseers, 
as we have understood that large quanti- 
ties of young and thrifty wood is un- 
lawfully taken from the land of the Mo- 
hegans, by some of their unprincipled 
neighbors, every year. W. K. 

Norwich Press, March 31, 1830. 

Tappan, n. y. — In the New York Tri- 
bune of Sunday, December, 25, 1881, 
Antiquarian, of Newburyport, Mass., 
states that Tappansea derived its name 
from an early settler in New England, 
whose English name of Toppan was cor- 
rupted into Tappan. By reference to the 
document published in Vol. XIII. of 
11 Documents Relating to the Colonial 
History of New York," Antiquarian will 
find the name of Tappan in use long before 
the neighborhood of Haverstraw, Tap- 
pan, and Nyack was settled by Europeans. 
I will not affirm that the name is of Indian 

origin, but I think it was given to the 
part of Hudson's River now bearing it by 
some of the first navigators of the river, 
because of its resemblance to a dripping- 
pan set under the faucet of a beer-barrel, 
tap being the Dutch for faucet, and paan 
a pan, just as they called other parts the 
u Crooked Elbow," " Long Reach," 
" Clover Reach " (Claverack), etc. 

B. F. 


Lot No. 11 q of Stevens' Catalogue of 
Americana, sold July 11, 1881. The 
book is entitled " The Real Advantages 
which People May Enjoy by Conforming 
to the Church of England." The veteran 
bibliographer and Americanist puts a note 
to this production that it is " written with 
more zeal than judgment," and makes 
some other grave remarks that show he 
has read the book, but was astonishingly 
blind to its real character. It is a mere 
takeoff, like De Foe's Short Method 
with Dissenters. The author's commen- 
dations of the Church of England are 
such that Mr. Stevens ought to have seen 
no zeal could account for them. Thus, 
he says : " The Church of England Col- 
lege at New York will doubtless prove a 
relief to polite young gentlemen who are 
sick of the severities they are obliged to 
suffer at other colleges. This will soon 
eclipse the Presbyterian colleges, since 
the students, through the great wisdom 
of its governors, may make great pro- 
ficiency in learning, and soon get degrees 
without much application to their studies. 
And then, its being in the city, learning 
will be cheaper, and the piety of the stu- 
dents often tried and promoted by over- 
coming temptations." Again he writes: 



" This, then, is a principal advantage of 
the Church of England that the religion 
which is generally practised by her mem- 
bers is perfectly agreeable to polite gen- 
tlemen ; whereas no gentleman can belong 
to other persuasions without meeting with 
a good deal of uneasiness from their doc- 
trines, but more especially from their 
discipline." And also, " How can Gov- 
ernment subsist, unless we have a power 
to .enforce and impose under the severest 
penalties an exact conformity to these 
our decent rites and ceremonies, for we 
always account them the most important 
part of our religion ? " There are several 
more passages that quite as unmistakably 
reveal the true character of this produc- 
tion, particularly one which sets forth the 
advantages of the Church to ladies. The 
person suspected at the time of writing it 
was the Rev. Noah Hobart, of Fairfield, 
Connecticut. F. Burdge 

Macomb house, at kingsbridge, n. y. 
— By a note with which I have been 
favored by the venerable Dr. Bibby, of 
Courtland House, we learn that " this 
property, now held by Mr. Godwin, is 
an old estate, which, at the close of 
the War of Independence, belonged to 
the heirs of Medcef Eden, and was pur- 
chased by Alexander Macomb, a gentle- 
jman of considerable means. He had a 
tide-mill, and did business in flour, but, 
becoming unfortunate in business, sold 
to his son Robert, who married an heir- 
ess, but left no children. Robert laid 
out a great sum of money on the prop- 
erty. His wife was a Miss Pell." Robert 
Macomb, the brother of Major-General 
Alexander, U.S.A., had also the title of 
general in the State Militia. His will is 

dated September 19, 1812 ; it was in pro- 
bate August 4, 1832 ; also, Alexander 
Macomb bought the place of Joseph 
Eden, May 4, 1799 ; facts given by S. C. 
Van Tassel, Esq., Dept. Register, White 
Plains. W. H. 

Washington on the mosquito — Gen- 
eral Washington told me that he was 
never so much annoyed by mosquitoes 
in any part of America as in Skenesbo- 
rough, for that they used to bite through 
the thickest boot. — Weld's Travels in 
America, 1795-97. Minto 

Revolutionary powder-horn — In 
the large collection of historical relics 
owned by General R. W. Judson, of Og- 
densburg, N. Y., is a large powder-horn 
carved with figures and devices : the 
British lion, unicorn, rooster, tiger, fish, 
trees, plan of the fort at Peekskill, and 
several others. It is also marked as fol- 
lows : "Peekskill May ye 14 th a. d. 1777 
Abraham Buthnells Horn Freedom or 
Death." All seem to have been cut with 
a knife, as they are composed of straight 
marks, evidently the amusement of some 
idle, ingenious revolutionary soldier. 

R. W. Judson 

Ogdensburg, JV. Y. 

Paul jones' medal — Amsterdam, Feb. 
1st, 1790. Dear Sir: — Since I was hon- 
ored with your letter of the 13th ult., I 
have been in constant expectation of the 
Appearance of Mr. Grand's Son, by whom 
you purposed to send my Medal ; but as 
I learn today from his Correspondent 



here that his Journey this way is very Un- 
certain, I request you not to trouble him 
with the Medal unless he can undertake 
to deliver it to me before the 12 th or 13 th 
of this Month. After that time I shall 
probably be absent from hence. 

I am at a loss to imagin how the sum 
of about (2,000) two thousand Lives, 
loged by Mr. Jeffison in the hands of 
Mr. Grand for my Account, has been 
employed. I shall very soon take a new 
arrangement to pay Mr. Handan. I 
thank you for your communication to 
Mr. de Simolin, & am glad to hear of 
the arrival of Mr. Jeffison in Virginea. 
Adau, my dear Sir, I am Sincerely yours, 
&c. Paul Jones 

The Honble. Wm. Short, Esq., Charge 
d'Affaires des Etat-Unes a Paris. 

George Henry Preble 

The haytian style — The body of the 
late President Petlon of Hayti was con- 
veyed to the tomb, under the Liberty 
Tree, in Port au Prince, on a funeral-car 
drawn by six horses, each covered with 
black cloth. He had his uniform on, and 
his hat and sword by his side. His bow- 
els were buried at Fort National, and his 
heart was delivered in an urn to the care 
of his daughter. — Weekly Visitor a?id 
Ladies' Museum, May 23, 18 18. 


Arrival of Berkley— By letters from 
Boston, in New England, dated the 27th 
of January 1728-9, we have a certain Ac- 
count that the Lucy, Capt. Cobb, arived 
at Rhode Island 4 Days before, from Lon- 
don, but last from Virginia, having on 

Board Dean Berkley, his Lady, her Sis- 
ter, Mr. James (eldest Son of Sir Cane 
James, Bart.), Mr. Dalton, Mr. Smibert, 
&c. who are going with the Dean to 
settle at Bermuda. She was 4 Months 
and 16 Days before she got into Virginia, 
having saiFd from the Downs the 9th of 
September, and 'till now hath not been 
heard of. Minto 



was the name of the French officer de- 
scribed in the following extract from the 
Time Piece of September 1, 1 797 ? There 
is now at Newport, Rhode Island, a 
French preacher among the Friends, who 
is much admired and followed. He was 
an officer in the French cavalry until 
converted to Quakerism. His life and 
manners are irreproachable, his doctrines 
simple, and strictly conformable to the 
purity and spirituality of the tenets of 
that respectable sect. This military con- 
vert, this modern Cornelius, does not at- 
tempt to dazzle his hearers by that glow 
of oratory so natural to his countrymen, 
but speaks with all that deliberation and 
mildness so remarkable among the 
Friends. He preaches but seldom, and 
when he does, he pauses half a minute 
between his sentences. The purity of 
the heart, the worshipping in the spirit, 
the futility of ceremonies, and the joys 
of the New Jerusalem, are the faultless 
themes which fall from his deliberate 
tongue. Although he is so perfect a 
Friend in his doctrines and manners of 
public speaking, yet his drab-colored, 
plain cloth coat cannot conceal the gen- 



teel movement of the Frenchman, nor 
his broad beaver wholly veil that saga- 
cious physiognomy and eyes of fire which 
ever distinguish trie sons of Gaul. The 
Friends esteem him a remarkable and 
very valuable convert, raised up by the 
great head of the Church for some good 
and glorious purpose, while some of the 
wicked and uncharitable hesitate not to 
whisper their suspicions that he is an art- 
ful man, who means to become the father 
confessor of the whole flock. He may 
be what he seems, a well-meaning, con- 
scientious man, yet it cannot be deemed 
illiberal if so extraordinary a character 
should be followed by the eye of suspi- 
cion, seeing he comes from a nation who 
have systematized intrigue, even before 
Ignatius Loyola founded that influential 
order, the Society of Jesus, who by their 
machinations were at one time in a fair 
way of governing all Europe. W. K. 

The george clinton society — I have 
in my possession an Oration on the 
Death of George Clinton, delivered 
before the George Clinton Society of 
New York, May 12, 18 12, by Elbert 

It appears from the printed proceed- 
ings in the pamphlet that, at a stated 
meeting held at the Union Hotel, a com- 
mittee, consisting of Walter Osgood, 
Charles Dickenson, Jr., and John Mc- 
Kensie, were appointed to convey to the 
orator the thanks of the society for his 
eloquent oration. 

What was the origin, object, and fate 
of this society ? Possibly some aged 
member still survives to tell the story. 

W. H. 

The Maryland gazette — The follow- 
ing advertisement appeared in the Penn- 
sylvania Gazette of December 13, 1780 : 

" To be sold, The Maryland Ga- 
zette, from January, 1755, to June, 1767 
(Eleven Years and a half compleat), con- 
taining the most remarkable occurrences 
in those Times, both foreign and domes- 
tic : Neatly printed by Jonas Green, at 
Annapolis, and bound in five Volumes 
Folio. With 37 select Gazettes preced- 
ing the whole, in which are inserted The 
Oeconomy of Human Life; Major Wash- 
ington's (our present illustrious General) 
Journal to 'the Ohio, in the year 1755, 
&c. &c. &c. 

"December 12, 1780. 

" The Books may be seen, and the 
Price known, at Mr. Benjamin January's, 
Bookbinder and Stationer opposite the 
Coffee-House, in Front Street, Philadel- 

Has this file been preserved ? 


The ugly club — In Hone's Table 
Book, I., 264, is the following: "The 
Ugly Club. (From a New York news- 
paper.) The members of the Ugly Club 
are requested to attend a special meeting 
at Ugly Hall, 4 Wall St., on Monday 
evening next, at half-past seven o'clock 
precisely, to take into consideration the 
propriety of offering to the Committee of 
defence the services of their ugly car- 
casses, firm hearts, sturdy bodies, and un- 
blistered hands. His Ugliness being ab- 
sent, this meeting is called by order of 
" His Homeliness. 

"August 13." 

What is known of this organization ? 





The battle of san jacinto (iv. 321) 
— I received lately from a friend in Tex- 
as, Col. M. A. Bryan, a letter enclosing 
a communication addressed to him by 
Judge Calder, of Texas, the only survivor 
among the captains who commanded com- 
panies in the battle of San Jacinto. I 
some months ago referred to the latter 
through the former a few historical que- 
ries, accompanied by the May (1880) 
number of the Magazine (IV. 321), in 
which my article on that action appeared, 
and Calder's letter was written in reply 
to those questions. I send a copy of it, 
for anything that throws light on disputed 
points of history must be interesting *if 
the events they relate to have any im- 

Calder justifies Houston's retreat from 
the Colorado more positively than I did. 
He mentions a noteworthy fact which I 
omitted : the rigorous course of drilling to 
which Houston subjected his troops while 
delayed on the Brazos. This in a meas- 
ure accounts for the greater reliance 
which, at San Jacinto, he placed in less 
than 800 against 1,300, than he felt on the 
Colorado in the larger number against 
the smaller. Calder contradicts the as- 
sertion made after the campaign, that the 
army had occasion to mutiny against 
farther retreat on arriving at a fork of the 
road, leading, one branch to the Trinity, 
and the other to Harrisburg. He gives 
Houston credit for going voluntarily into 
the battle of San Jacinto, instead of being 
dragged into it by the eagerness of his 
troops ; but he also surmises that his com- 
mander may have laid an anchor to the 
windward to save his reputation in case 
of defeat, a trick to enable him to plead 

willingness or coercion, according to the 
result. This notion, which I have not 
before met with, shows deep shrewdness 
in the writer. It accords with the far- 
sighted cunning of Houston, and accounts 
for some of his steps when the fight was 
impending, which were supposed by many 
to betoken irresolution. The pains he 
took to draw out a pugnacious demon- 
stration from officers and men do not 
agree with the habit of one who had no 
distrust of his own sagacity, nor any 
fondness for the advice of subordinates. 
When Houston said, that day, to Lamar, 
in tones of doubt, ; ' Do you think we 
ought to fight now ? " he knew what the 
answer would be as well as he knew his 
own determination ; and had he been 
beaten, that answer would have come up 
in judgment against Lamar. 

The historical queries I have alluded 
to were referred to Judge Calder, not 
only as the ranking officer among living 
eye-witnesses, but as a gentleman whose 
intelligence and candor, free from parti- 
san bias, 1 knew could be fully trusted ; 
and I thank him for the clearness and 
force with which he has supplemented 
my narrative. R. M. Potter 

Richmond, Texas, August 25, 1880. 
Col. M. A. Bryan, 
Brenham, Texas : 

My dear friend — I hope you will 
pardon the delay in answering your letter 
of last month endorsing Capt. R. M. Pot- 
ter's. The principal cause of the delay 
was this : On receipt of your Magazine 
of American History, I read the captain's 
account of the campaign of 1836, and the 
battle of San Jacinto, with so much in- 
terest that I could not resist the desire of 



imparting it to my friends. It got out of 
my hands, and after a few days I could 
not recollect to whom I had loaned it, 
and did not wish- to answer the questions 
in relation to General Houston's policy 
in that campaign without a reperusal of 
the article. I got the book last week, 
and, after a second reading of Captain 
Potter's account, I became still better 
satisfied its truthfulness and accuracy of 
detail, and sound but mild criticism on 
Houston's conduct in that campaign, 
place the narrative (in my judgment) 
ahead of anything heretofore written on 
that subject. But the most interesting 
portion of the captain's narrative to me 
was his admirable portrayal of "the char- 
acter of Sam Houston. No person with- 
in my knowledge has ever done it half so 
well. Whilst his enemies, on the one 
hand, have endeavored to sully his name 
and character by the imputation of every 
weakness and every vice "which flesh is 
heir to," his friends and satellites, on the 
,other hand, have endeavored to place 
him on the very highest pinacle of moral 
and political fame. Captain Potter's nar- 
rative has, without doubt, struck a happy 
medium. The people of Texas, in the 
future as in the past, will always regard 
Sam Houston as the right man in the 
right place, whether in command of the 
armies or at the head of the civil govern- 
ment. But you and I, my old friend, 
know that his vanity (or pride, if you 
will) and ambition led to exhibitions of 
vindictive jealousy totally unworthy of 
his great ability. It hurt him to see the 
slightest ray of the sunshine of popular 
favor fall upon any other than his own 
stately head. Like Haman of old, " his 
soul was disgusted when he saw Mordecai, 

the Jew, sitting at the king's gate." By 
this unhappy temperament he wilfully and 
of his own accord made enemies of some 
of the noblest and most generous spirits 
of our land, viz., Branch T. Archer, M. 
B. Lamar, Sydney Sherman, and John T. 
Wharton. I never forgave him till his 
death for the cowardly and slanderous at- 
tack on Sherman in the Senate of the 

The first of the disputed questions re- 
ferred to in Captain Potter's letter is 
whether Houston ought or ought not to 
have fought the Mexican regiment on the 
west side of the Colorado, whilst our 
army was on the east bank. I have al- 
ways held the negative, viz., that he 
ought not. I am free to confess that my 
opinion was mainly confirmed by General 
Houston's own language to me on the 
march to the Brazos, about three o'clock 
in the evening, before we reached San 
Felipe. His reasons for avoiding that 
action were, in my opinion, so forcible 
that I have never forgotten them. I 
will try and give the conversation verba- 
tim : I was riding on the left flank of my 
company. General Houston came up 
from the rear, and reining up alongside, 
said, " Well, Captain, what do you think 
upon the whole of our movement from 
the Colorado ? " Said I : " General, I 
have been willing to forego any expres- 
sion of opinion on my part thus far. I 
never had any doubt of whipping the force 
on the west bank of the Colorado ; but I 
suppose it is your purpose to draw the 
enemy into the heart of the country, the 
Brazos, where we can get reinforcements 
and supplies, and where a defeat to him 
will be fatal." General Houston said, 
" That's it, my friend ; certainly we could 



have wiped out the little force at the 
Colorado ; but, Captain, we cannot fight 
our enemies, however successful we may 
be, without woumds, and death perhaps. 
What facilities have we for removing 
wounded men across this extensive prai- 
rie, when we have not transportation for 
ammunition even? Now, sir, if we had 
cut up the little force on the Colorado, 
the immediate result would have been 
tha.t the enemy would have concentrated 
his entire force, and would have attacked 
us with, every advantage on these exten- 
sive prairies. Now, sir, as you have said, 
we will take up an eligible position on the 
Brazos, and go up or down, as the case 
may be (my own words), and we will give 
them hell, sir ; and we will have the 
steamboat which I have had seized to as- 
sist us in transportation." 

Such was our conversation ; and I 
thought and still think that his argument 
was unanswerable. Now, sir, I was 
young and pretty green, if I was the cap- 
tain of Company K, but felt certain that 
the general was working me as a pump- 
handle to draw out of me the opinions of 
my company, for you know, my old 
friend, that there were many intelligent 
and worthy citizens of our lower country 
in Company K, viz., Anson Jones, R C. 
Franklin, P. D. McNeel, and many 
others ; but I know you will pardon any 
little emotion or vanity that I might have 
felt at this very confidential intercourse 
between a young officer and so august 
an individual as the commander-in-chief. 
However, if I felt such an emotion, it was 
vanity badly frostbitten before the rising 
of another sun. 

When we camped for the night at the 
Brazos, Somerville, and other friends be- 

sides the mess, were at my tent, and I of 
course detailed my interview with the 
commander-in-chief, assuring them that 
retreat was at an end, etc. Somerville 
(God bless his memory !) broke out in one 
of his laughs, and said, " Calder, I'll bet 
you a horse we are on the retreat again 
to-morrow." This I very indignantly 
disputed ; but, while we were discussing 
the matter, one of the adjutants walked 
into the tent and said, " Capt. Calder, 
you are detailed for duty as officer of the 
day for to-morrow. The new guard will 
be mounted in marching order at sun- 
rise," etc. Now we all knew what this 
meant, but my comrades had the good 
feeling not to run the laugh at my expense. 
The second query, " Did Sam Hous- 
ton fight willingly, or unwillingly, the bat- 
tle of San Jacinto ? " On this subject, I 
have made up my theory of the matter 
long since. Sam Houston, in common 
with all able military commanders, had a 
distrust of raw, irregular troops, however 
gallant the material might be. That raw 
troops are liable to panic, you, my old 
friend, know as well as I do. I will cite 
an instance in 1835, the first grass-fight. 
Capt. Eberling's company, as gallant a 
one as our army contained, from a false 
alarm, stampeded Now, the material of 
that company, you and I know, was sec- 
ond to none in our army at that time. 
The distrust, I think, caused Houston to 
hide us in the Brazos' bottom, where we 
went through a regular company drill, 
commencing at 4 o'clock, a.m. This was 
doubtless to bring the troops to habits of 
obedience ; and at first with some it was 
a heavy task to get the men out for drill. 
One of my mess, W. P. Rees, swore that, 
although he had many times danced to the 



tune of the " Dashing White Sergeant," 
if he ever got home, and any musician 
presumed to play it in his service, he 
would thrash him if he could ; but the 
object was accomplished, I think. Now, 
many absurd stories have been circulated 
about Houston's progress from Brazos to 
the final consummation at San Jacinto. 
As I never had the honor of being called 
to a council of war but once, I can only 
state what I know. It was said, after 
leaving Donaho's, that, at the forks of 
the road, at a certain store or dwelling, 
the army broke off tumultuously, con- 
trary to the orders of Houston.* I have 
always branded this story as a falsehood. 
From the morning of the march from 
Donaho's until our arrival at Harrisburg, 
I was always in the advance, sometimes 
in command of the guard as officer of the 
day, and sometimes with my company 
under the orders of Col. John A. Whar- 
ton or Col. Burlison, as scouts. On the 
morning we reached the forks of the road 
and halted, there was a slight shower fall- 
ing ; one of the field or staff officers came 
up and directed us to take the right hand 
road, and we proceeded on. Now, at this 
distance of time, I can only recollect that 
the directions were given by one in au- 
thority. I neither saw nor heard at the 
time of any disorder, nor do I believe 
there was any. With regard to Houston's 
reluctance to fight the enemy at San Ja- 

* This refers to the assertion made after the 
event, that, on reaching the fork of the road 
here mentioned, Houston ordered the troops 
to take the left hand road to Eastern Texas, by 
way of a ferry on the Trinity, but that the army 
refused, and mutinously took the right hand road 
to Harrisburg. Calder's position in the advance 
makes his contradiction of this trustworthy be- 
yond doubt. 

cinto, I do not believe he felt- any; but 
General Houston was an able and a 
shrewd man and commander, and in 
thinking over events after the action of 
the 2 1 st, I remembered that I had never 
been called to a council of war until the 
afternoon of the 21st of April, when Bur- 
lison, riding along the line of his regi- 
ment, called his captains to a confer- 
ence at a certain peccan tree, to take 
our opinion on the proper time for at- 
tacking, viz., whether at 4 o'clock the 
following morning, or for immediate at- 
tack, that Mosely Baker and myself voted 
for 4 o'clock, and all the rest for an im- 
mediate attack. It struck me afterward, 
that if the attack had been disastrous for 
us, the General might have said that he 
was forced into the measure by his offi- 
cers. This is a mere opinion of my own, 
with perhaps a very slight basis. That 
Houston had any reluctance of a per- 
sonal nature I never believed. As for 
the charges of that contemptible tramp 
and swell, Major Perry (as he called him- 
self), to whom Capt. Potter alludes, noth- 
ing that he could say derogatory to any 
person, much less to Sam Houston, would 
have the slightest weight with any re- 
spectable person who knew him. I was 
one of that number, and if you and I 
meet again, I will give you two little epi- 
sodes that occurred while he was with us 
in the army, illustrative of his vanity and 

But, my old friend, I greatly fear that 
this long and rambling letter will bore 
you. ' I have written as memory prompt- 
ed me, and found no stopping-place till 
the present. When you write to Capt. 
Potter, if you find anything worth tran- 
scribing for him, please to do so, and at 



the same time, give him the assurance of 
my profound respect and regard ; and, 
further, that it would be a source of grat- 
ification if I should meet him at our next 
annual gathering. Very respectfully, and 
truly yours, . R. J. Calder 

The campaign of the allies — 
(VII., 249) — Under the head of Insub- 
ordination, it is stated that during the 
Revolt in the Pennsylvania Line these 
troops left their camp and marched in an 
orderly manner direct to the doors of 
Congress, then in session at Philadelphia, 
and demanded redress in person. Such 
was not the case, as will be seen by refer- 
ence to the History of the Pennsylvania 
Line in the Revolution, where a Diary 
of the Revolt is given. Historians, as 
a general thing, also lose sight of the fact 
that the causes which led to the revolt 
were the failure to provide for the pay 
and necessities of the troops and the mis- 
construction of the terms of the enlist- 
ment, which were for " three years or 
during the war/' It may not be gener- 
ally known, but it is a significant coinci- 
dence that during the War for the Union 
a somewhat similar interpretation came 
very nigh causing trouble. 

William H. Egle 

Disposition and order of battle 

of the allied armies — (vii. 267) 111 

the table given by Professor Asa Bird 
Gardner, there are errors which it is 
proper to correct. Brigadier-General 
John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg was 
then from Virginia. Pennsylvania has 
never claimed the services of that gal- 
lant officer during the Revolution, and 

by reference to the History of the Penn- 
sylvania Line in the Revolution, Gen- 
eral Muhlenberg's name does not appear, 
save in the account of battles or in the 
orderly books. It is true that, a native 
of Pennsylvania, after the peace he re- 
turned to that State, and was elected 
Vice-President thereof. It is true that 
the commissioners empowered to select 
subjects for statuary to represent Penn- 
sylvania at the National Capital chose as 
one subject General Muhlenberg, when 
either Wayne or Mifflin should have been 
selected, for the State has the credit for 
their services in the Revolution, while 
Virginia has those of General Muhlen- 
berg. The composition of the commis- 
sioners, a majority of whom were related 
to the Muhlenbergs, accounts for their 

Now, as to the officers in command of 
the battalions of Pennsylvanians at York- 
town, Major Gardner has taken the 
"arrangement of January 1, 1781" as 
his guide. This is wrong, because it does 
not give credit to the officers who were 
really in command of the Pennsylvania 
troops at that siege. The six regiments 
(after the revolt) were recruiting at Eas- 
ton, Downington, Lebanon, Carlisle, and 
General Wayne's movement requiring 
haste, detachments were made of all the 
soldiers recruited and of officers belong- 
ing to the six regiments, and hurried 
off to York, Pennsylvania. Those of 
the First and Second were thrown into 
one battalion, which was commanded by 
Colonel Walter Stewart, of the Second 
Regiment ; those of the Third and Fifth 
into one battalion, commanded by Colo- 
nel Richard Butler, of the Fifth Regi- 
ment j and those of the Fourth and Sixth 



into a battalion, commanded by Colonel 
Richard Hampton. The lieutenant-colo- 
nels were Thomas Robinson, of the 
First, and Josiah Harmar, of the Third. 
The majors were James Hamilton, of the 
Second ; William Alexander, of the 
Third ; Evan Edwards, of the Fourth, 
and Thomas L. Moore, of the Fifth. The 
balance of the line, under Colonel 
Thomas Craig, did not reach Yorktown 
until the day 01 the surrender. Major 
James Parr, of the Seventh Pennsylvania, 
was in command of a corps of riflemen 
enlisted for the occasion, with the main 
army under Washington. He commanded 
in the advance at Yorktown, while Major 
James R. Reid, of York County, Penn- 
sylvania, of Hazen's regiment, had com- 
mand of the rear-guard of the main 
(American) army during the siege. 

W. H. E. 

Springettsbury manor, pa. [VII. 
229, 374.] — In the last sentence of my re- 
ply /o the query of J. B. B., in regard to 
the location of Springettsbury Manor, I 
wrote : " It was granted to Springett 
Penn in 1722, and contained 64,520 
acres." Springett Penn was the grandson 
and heir of William Penn ; but the com- 
positor, who had probably never heard of 
him, supposed the surname was an abbre- 
viation of Pennsylvania, and printed thus : 
" It was granted to Springett, Pa., in 
1722, and contained 64,520 acres." 

Isaac Craig 

Alleghany, Pa. 

Judge william smith and chief 
justice william smith [vi. 264, 418] 
— Corrections and Addenda. 

April Number, 1881 — The engraved 

etching of Judge Smith is from a life-size 
portrait by John \Yollaston, 1751, not 
from a miniature. Wollaston's works are 
rare ; the best known is that of Martha 
Washington at Arlington. Judge Smith's 
portrait was taken to Canada immediately 
after the revolution ; it is now returned to 
New York, and is in the possession of the 

Page 271, line 1 — Strike out the word 
"England" and read Connecticut. Mrs. 
Elizabeth Smith, the % widow of Colonel 
(at some time Rector of Yale College, 
member of the Legislature, and a Judge) 
Elisha Williams, of Connecticut, died 
June 13, 1776, at the house of Sheriff 
Williams, at Wethersfield, Conn. Some 
account of her may be found in Nathaniel 
Goodwin's Genealogical, &c, Notes of 
the first families of Conn, and Mass. ; and 
also in the Williams Genealogy, printed 
1847. Her portrait is still in existence. 

Page 278 — The New York Commercial 
Advertiser of February 14, 18 12, fur- 
nishes the exact date of the death of Dr. 
James Smith, viz., February 12, 18 12. 

Page 282, line 8, second column — 
Strike out the single quotation mark. 

June Number, 188 1 — Page 430, line 14 
— Strike out the words " her son-in-law." 
Dr. Mallet married a niece of Mrs. Smith, 
see p. 276. 

Page 430, line 15 — Strike out the word 
" son " and read brother-in-law, see p. 

Page 439, line 28 — Strike out the word 
Susanna and read "Jennet." 

Maturin L. Delafield 
Fieldston, 1881. 


Winthrop Sargent published Memoirs of Major John Andre, 121110, Boston, 
Ticknor & Fields, 1861. Sargent died in Paris, May 18, 1870 (Drake's Diet, of 
Am. Biog., Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, 1869-70, 322, 324). The year following his 
death, a new edition of his book appeared, "published by those who knew him 
best," as his memorial, Life of Andre, cr. 8vo, New York, D. Appleton & Co., 
1871, illus. with portraits of the author and Andre. This latter edition is simply a 
reprint, not a revised copy, of the first. Mr. Sargent was an elegant and accom- 
plished man, and his interesting book contains valuable matter relating to nearly the 
whole Revolutionary contest, though he displayed the usual weakness of biographers, 
in taking too favorable a view of his hero. The Sargent papers are in the possession 
of William Butler Duncan, of New York. In preparing the book, every repository 
that could be heard of was examined, and libraries and State Paper offices, both here 
and in Europe, were ransacked to supply material. Previous to the publication of 
this book, the most complete account of the Andre and Arnold affair was that in 
Jared Sparks' Life' and Treason of Arnold, i6mo, 1835, forming vol. iii. of the 
Lib. of Am. Biog. It is illustrated with a fac-simile of Andre's sketch of himself, spe- 
cimens of handwriting, and a map. The book is styled by Lord Mahon "careful 
and judicious." The papers used by Sparks in writing it are in the library of Har- 
vard College ; his printed books are at Cornell University. Sparks, in gathering 
material for it, wrote, in 1833 (through Josiah Quincy), to Col. Benj. Tallmadge 
for information. The letters which passed between them are in the possession 
of Mary E. Norwood, of N. Y. They are printed in the Mag. of Am. Hist, for 
Dec, 1879, pp. 247-256. 

Ge?ieral Accounts — Bancroft, x. 395, followed " only contemporary documents, 
which are abundant and of the surest character, and which, taken collectively, solve 
every question." Irving, Life of Wash., iv., compiled his account from the or- 
dinary printed sources, except that he made use of the MSS. of Col. Benj. Tall- 
madge, then in the possession of Tallmadge's daughter, Mrs. J. P. Cushman, of Troy, 
N. Y. He mentions having talked with Com. Hiram Paulding, a son of the captor, 
in regard to his father, and also with a woman (probably one of the Romer family, of 
Tarrytown), who remembered seeing Andre the day he was taken. Irving, although 
he had considerable local knowledge of the scene of the capture, made no use of it 
in relating the story. He had travelled in Spain with one of the Sneyd family 
(Irving's Life, ii.). Hildreth, iii., ch. 41, gives an outline. Lossing, Field-Book of 
the Rev., i., ch. 30, 31, and 32, gives an account which contains much local detail, 
and is illustrated with numerous wood-cuts. The same author's book, the Hudson 
from the Wilderness to the Sea, 4to, New York, 1866, gives a general account, 


with wood-cut illustrations. Isaac N. Arnold, Life of Benedict Arnold, i2mo, Chi- 
cago, 1880, gives an account in which he endeavors to show the incentives to 
Arnold's treason. Dunlap's Hist, of New York, ii., ch. 13. Marshall's Washington, 
iv. 274. Hamilton's Life of Alex. Hamilton, i. 262. Elihu G. Holland's Highland 
Treason, in his Essays. J. T. Headley's Washington and his Generals. Freeman 
Hunt's Letters about the Hudson, 1836, contains some traditional gossip that lacks 
verification. Leake's Life of Genl. John Lamb. Greene's Life of Genl. Greene, ii. 
227. Cooper's Travelling Bachelor gives particulars "which," says Sargent, "are 
valuable from the authorities which supplied them. He heard not only Lafayette's 
recollections declared, forty-five years later, on the very ground, but also had 
Arnold's own statement from a British officer who was present at a dinner given in 
New York, when Arnold related his escape with an impudence that was scarcely less 
remarkable than his surprising self-possession." Genl. Hull's Revolutionary Ser- 
vices on Andre and Nathan Hale. Quincy's Life of Maj. Samuel Shaw, 8vo, p. 77. 
Harper's Magazine, iii. and xxiii. Andreana, 8vo, 1865, contains the trial and other 
material relating to the subject. The Pictorial History of England gives an account 
from the British tory point of view. The exponent of this class, however, is Lord 
Mahon, of whom more hereafter. Dr. T. A. Emmet, of N. Y., has an enlarged copy 
of Sargent's Andre and the Andreana, the two 121110 volumes being extended to 
seven volumes thick 8vo by the insertion of a large number of autograph letters, 
portraits, maps, views of places, etc. This unique work forms the basis of an illus- 
trated article by Lossing in Harper's Magazine for May, 1876. Hist. Mag., Aug., 
1859; Aug., 1863; Supplement of 1866; and Dec, 1870. Niles's Register, xx. 
Southern Literary Messenger, xi. Nat. Quarterly Review, Dec, 1862. Barbe 
Marbois, the French Secretary of Legation to the United States during the Re- 
volution, published Complot d 1 Arnold et Sir H. Clinton, contre les Etats Unis 
d' Amerique et contre Le General Washington, 8vo, Paris, 1816. A translation of it 
is in Walsh's Am. Register, ii., 181 7. Cf. Mem. Hist. Soc Penna., vi. 329, and 
Sargent's Andre, 266, for various opinions in regard to Marbois. Prof. G. W. 
Greene says the book " is neither so accurate nor so complete as might have been 
expected." Marbois' s version of a letter found among Arnold's papers, and sup- 
posed by Sargent to be written by Robinson, is retranslated by Sargent, App. i. 
Boynton's Hist, of West Point, 8vo, N. Y., 1863, points out the military importance 
of that post, and gives a general, account. 

English Comment — Chambers's Encyclopaedia, Edin., 1859, art. "Andre," pro- 
nounces him to be " a spy of the worst sort," and refers to the 2d vol. of the Biog. 
Diet, of the Soc for the Diff. of Useful Knowledge. Adolphus (Hist, of Eng., iii., 
ch. 39) takes an " adverse view of the American grounds." A brief account of the 
matter is given by Lord Mahon (afterward Earl Stanhope) in his Hist, of Eng., vol. 
7, London, 1854, in which he designates Andre's execution as." the greatest and 
perhaps the only blot " in Washington's career. This assertion was answered by 
Maj. Charles J. Biddle in an elaborate monograph, covering ninety-seven pages of the 


6th vol. of the Mem. of the Hist. Society of Penna. (" Contributions to Am. Hist."), 
8vo, Phil., 1658. In this is a very full statement of the case in its relations to mili- 
tary law. Earl Stanhope also has an article on " Washington and Andre," in his 
Miscellanies (2d series), Lond., 1872. In this he states that he held a correspon- 
dence on the subject of Miss Seward's statements with Geo. Ticknor, the historian, 
which led to the searching, by the latter, of Col. Humphreys' papers, then (185s) 
in the possession of Mr. D. G. Olmstead, of N. Y. (see Potter's Am. Monthly for 
Aug., 1876). Historical Mag. (N. Y.) for July, 1857. Massey (Hist, of Eng., iii., 
ch. 25) exonerates Washington. Most of the British opinions on the subject are ex- 
amined by Biddle and Sargent. A British estimate from the Saturday Review, 1872, 
is in Sabin's Am. Bibliopolist, Oct., 1872. Cf. with Moore's Diary of the Am. Rev., 
ii- 393) where is given the contemporary British view. Jones's New York in the 
Rev. War, i., ch. 18, judges Arnold to have played "a noble and virtuous part." 
Stedman (Chas.), Hist, of the Am. War, Lond., 1794 (this book, according to 
Lowndes, was written by Wm. Thomson, LL.D.). The copy in the library of the 
late Jno. Carter Brown, at Providence, R. I., belonged to Sir Henry Clinton himself, 
and contains his MS. account of the Andre affair. This is printed in Sargent, pp. 
415-419; in the N. Y. Tribune, May 24, 1875; and in Jones's New York in the 
Rev. War, i., 737. A section of it is wanting in that given by Mahon, Hist, of 
Eng., vii. (rep. in Mem. Hist. Soc. Penna., vi. 413-416). Clinton's Observations 
on Stedman's History, Lond., 1794, was privately reprinted in New York in 1864. 
Comments on Andre's case are in the Life of Sir Samuel Romilly, i. 104 ; the Jour- 
nal of Lieut. Mathew (this Journal was communicated to Thos. Balch, of Phila., 
and published in the Hist. Mag. of Boston, i., No. 4. 102); Mackinnon's Origin 
and Services of the Coldstream Guards, ii., 9 ; The London Critic and Literary 
Journal. Aug. 15, 1857 ; extract from the London Daily News, quoted in Mem. Hist. 
Soc. Penna., vi. 388 ; Hintoirs Hist, and Topographical Hist, of the U. S.; Geo- 
graphical, Commercial and Philosophical View of the Situation of the U. S., Lond., 
1794, by the Rev. W. Winterbotham ; E. T. Coke's Travels ; the Gentleman's Maga- 
zine, Jan., 1855 ; the N. A. Review, Jan., 1855 ; Chalmers's Biog. Diet., art. 
" Washington ; " Pictorial Hist, of the Reign of George III., i. 434 ; The London 
General Evening Post, Nov. 14, 1780; Miss Seward's Dedication to Sir Henry 
Clinton of a Monody on Major Andre. For a summing up of British comment on 
the subject cf. Mem. Hist. Soc. Penna., vi., pp. 319-416, and Sargent's Andre, ch. 
21 and 22. 

The Case of Major Andre — In the Brown library, at Providence, R. I., is a book 
bearing the title, "The Case of Major John Andre, Adjutant-General to the British 
Army, Who was put to Death by the Rebels, October 2, 1 780, Candidly Represented : 
With Remarks on the Said Case. ' If there were no other Brand upon this odious 
and accursed Civil War, than that Single Loss, it must be most infamous and execra- 
ble to all Posterity.' — Lord Clarendon." New York : Rivington, 1780. 4I0, pp. 
27. It was probably never published, for this copy, the only one known to exist, 


is made up of the printer's proofs. This tract was unquestionably drawn up under 
Clinton's supervision, and my own opinion, after a very careful examination of it, is 
that it was written by Clinton himself — intended by him to be published as an offset 
to the Proceedings of a Board, etc., issued by the Americans, but withdrawn from 
the press by him after the types had been set up and the first proofs taken off. 
(See Mag. Am. Hist., Dec, 1879, p. 742, note by John Austin Stevens.) Sargent 
examined the book, and describes it in a foot-note to his Life of Andre, p. 274. It 
contains an account of the circumstances under which Andre was taken ; the corre- 
spondence of the commissioners ; the narrative of Captain Sutherland of the " Vul- 
ture ;" Greene's letter from Tappan, October 2, 1780 ; the official announcement to 
the British army of Andre's death, etc., etc. It terms the three captors "peasants," 
and states that Andre's gallows was " placed in full view of the windows of Washing- 
ton's headquarters, as if the sight afforded him pleasure." 

The Cow-Chase — This appeared first in Rivington's Gazette, for 1780, at inter- 
vals : the first canto August 16, the second August 30, and the third and last on 
September 23, the day of its author's capture. After his death it appeared in book 
f orm — Cow-Chase in Three Cantos, published on occasion of the Rebel General 
Wayne's Attack of the Refugees' Block-House on Hudson's River, on Friday, July 
21, 1780. New York: Rivington, 1780, 8vo, pp. 69; — followed by The Cow-Chase, 
an Heroick Poem, in Three Cantos, written at New York, 1780, by the late Major 
Andre, with Explanatory Notes by the Editor. 

" The man who fights and runs away, 

May live to fight another day," 

Said Butler in his deathless lay. 
" But he who is in battle slain, 

Can never rise to fight again ; " 

As wisely thought good General Wayne. 

London: Fielding, 1781, 4to, pp. 32. An advertisement in Rivington offers for 
sale "Monody on Major Andre, by his friend and correspondent, Miss Seward, with 
three letters written by him, at eighteen years of age, to a most accomplished young 
lady, the object of his tenderest affection; also a few copies of the three cantos of 
the Cow-Chase, which makes the collection complete respecting the literary produc- 
tions of this ever-valued and universally beloved young gentleman." An advertise- 
ment to the English edition before me states that Andre was put to death "By a set 
of miscreants calling themselves general officers in the American Rebellion .... 
with the inhuman Washington at their head." The Cow-Chase is printed by Dunlap, 
with his tragedy of Andre (London, 1799) '■> m Lossing's Field-Book of the Am. Rev. 
ii. 684, with a fac-simile of the last stanza; in Lossing's "Hudson from the Wild, 
to the Sea," 4:0, N. Y., n. d., pp. 441-448; in Moore's Songs and Ballads of the 
Am. Rev., 121110, N. Y., 1856 (the name Tinack in the 13th stanza is printed by 
Moore as " Nyack") ; and it was also published in 8vo, at Cincinnati, 1869, pp. 32. 


An original manuscript copy, in the handwriting of Andre himself, is in the collection 
of autographs which belonged to the late Rev. Win. B. Sprague, of Albany, N. Y. 
It is written on small folio paper, is signed by Andre, and dated " Elizabethtown, 
Aug. i, 1786. It was made by its author for some person in New Jersey, and by 
this fact is suggested the idea that he was in the habit of making copies of it for his 
friends. On the MS., under the endorsement of Andre himself, is written : 

" When the epic strain was sung, 
The poet by the neck was hung ; 
And to his cost he finds too late, 
The dung-born tribe decides his fate." 

There would seem to be another autograph copy in existence, for Sargent (who 
prints it in his Andre) makes but incidental mention of the above, though he states 
(p. 235) that he prints his version from the published editions, collated with the 
original manuscript in Andre's handwriting. A notice, of Jno. Thompson, the wood- 
cutting agent (Sargent, p. 234), with whom Andre boarded, is in Sabine's Am. Loy- 
alists (ed. 1864) ii. 355. 

Contemporary Records — The papers found in Andre's boots are in the State 
Library at Albany, N. Y. A writer in the N. Y. World, Sep. 28, 1880, says that 
the one marked 7, "Minutes of a Council of War, &c," is missing. With them 
are the passes signed by Arnold, and a letter and memorandum of Joshua Hett 
Smith. These papers were printed in the N. Y. Herald in 1842, and reprinted by 
J. G. Bennett in pamphlet form the same year, " Rev. Relics or Clinton Corre- 
spondence," N. Y., 1842. All of them are printed in extenso in Bolton's Hist, of 
Westchester County, N. Y. (first ed., 1848, new ed. recently printed) i. 215-223; 
and in Boynton's Hist, of West Point, 1 10-120. Lossing (F. B. of the Rev., i. 721) 
says those written upon one side of the paper only have been pasted upon thicker 
paper for preservation; the others still exhibit the wrinkles made by Andre's feet in 
his«boots. The official and other writings of Washington relative to Andre are in 
the 7th vol. of Sparks's Life and Writings of Washington. Washington's Order-Book 
for the period of Andre's capture and execution is in the Am. Hist. Record, ed. by 
B. J. Lossing, for March, 1874. Jameson's letter to Arnold, in which he specifies 
the papers found on the prisoner, and his letter of countermand to Lieut. Allen, are 
in The Case of Maj. A., p. 18. The statement of Tallmadge, who first saw Andre on 
the morning of the 24th, is in the Mag. of Am. Hist., iii. 743-756, and A Memoir of 
Col. Benj. Tallmadge, prepared by himself at the Request of his Children, 8vo, N. Y., 
1858 (Cf. with Sparks's Arnold, p. 233). The statement of Lieut. King, to whose 
custody Andre was entrusted, is in the N. Y. Hist. Mag., Oct., 1857, p. 293 ; rep. by 
H. B. Dawson, in the Yonkers Gazette, June 7, 1865, as No. 7 of the documents 
collected by him on the capture of Andre ; it is also in the Boston Sunday Herald,. 
Sep. 14, 1879 ; N - Y - Evening Post, Sep. 16, 1879 (from the New Haven Palladium, 
date not given) ; and the Sunnyside Press, Tarrytown, N, Y., Sep. 18, 18S0. (In 


Recollections of a Lifetime, by S. G. Goodrich, N. Y., 1856, may be found a bio- 
graphical notice of Lieut, (afterward General) Joshua King, and also his letter re- 
lating to Andre 's capture). Andre's letter to Washington, Sep. 24, 1780, is in Proc. 
Board of Gen. Off., p. 6, from which it is given in The Case of Maj. A., p. 17 (wheie 
as a matter of course its correctness is doubted) ; rep. in Sparks' s Arnold, 235 ; Sar- 
gent, 324; and elsewhere. Robinson and Arnold on board the Vulture, to Wash- 
ington, Sep. 25, is in Proc. of a Board, 10-11 ; and in Sparks. Robinson's letter is 
in Sargent, 331. For details of the proceedings at Robinson's house, cf. Mem. of 
Lafayette, i. 264, and Hamilton to Miss Schuyler in Writings of Hamilton. Wash- 
ington's orders to bring the prisoner up are in Sparks. Some local details of the 
journey from Salem to Robinson's house are in Blake's Hist, of Putnam County, 
N. Y., i2mo, 1849; and in Pierre Van Cortlandt's letter to the Albany Institute 
(Albany Daily Advertiser, 1839) in Potter's Am. Monthly, Sept., 1876. Sir H. Clin- 
ton to Washington and Arnold to Clinton, both of date Sep. 26, are in Proc. of a 
Board, p. 12 ; The Case of Maj. A., p. 9; Sargent, 343-344. Smith's account of 
his own reception in his Narrative is rep. in Blake's Putnam Co. The announce- 
ment of the treason was made to the army in general orders of the 26th. Am. Hist. 
Rec, 1874, p. 115 ; Sargent, 342. A letter of Washington to the President of Con- 
gress is in Sparks ; an extract from it prefaces the Proc. of a Board. Major Bur- 
roughs testified on Smith's trial that Andre was taken across to West Point on the 
27th (Mag. Am. Hist, Dec, 1879, p. 758). A letter of Wayne's at Smith's house, 
Sep. 27, is in Am. Hist. Rec, i. 436; and Hist. Mag., Nov., 1862. On the 28th 
the prisoners were taken from West Point — where they were not confined in Fort 
Putnam (Boynton's Hist. West Point, 8vo, N. Y., 1871, p. 124). Cf. Smith's Nar- 
rative; Tallmadge in Sparks's Arnold, p. 255 ; in Mag. Am. Hist., Dec, 1879, an( ^ 
Mem. of Col. Tallmadge, 8vo, N. Y., 1858; Barber and Howe's Hist. Colls, of the 
State of N. Y., 8vo, 185 1 ; Barber and Howe's Hist. Colls, of the State of New 
Jersey, 8vo, New Haven, 1868; "The Stone House at Tappan," by Jno. Austin 
Stevens, Mag. Am. Hist., Dec, 1879 ( see a ^ so Mag. Am. Hist., v. 57-58, for details 
of Partridge's visit in 1818) ; Lossing's Field Book Rev., i. 764-765 ; The N. Y. 
Times, Oct. 3, 1879; "Tappan's Ancient Relics," in the N. Y. Star, Oct. 12, 1879; 
"The De Wint House," by Jno. Austin Stevens, Mag. Am. Hist, v. 105-112. (Ir- 
ving, ch. xi., vol. iv., gives the order for Andre's safe keeping from a copy preserved 
among the papers of Genl. Hand.) "Smith's House at Haverstraw," Chas. A. 
Campbell in Mag. Am. Hist, July, 1880. 

Andre's Trial — The authorities for the trial are the proceedings of the board in 
MS. and as published by Congress. " Proceedings of a Board of General Officers 
held by order of His Excellency, Gen. Washington, commander in chief of the 
Army of the United States of America, respecting Major John Andre, Adjutant 
General of the British Army, Sep. 29, 1780: Phila. Printed by Francis Bailey in 
Market Street, 1780," 8vo. pp. 21. Sargent (p. 348) verified this account by com- 
parison with the original manuscript preserved at Washington, and corrected some of 


its errors. This pamphlet (which is rather a manifesto than a report of the trial) is 
reprinted entire in fac-simile in Boynton's Hist. West Point, pp. 127-147. It does 
not contain Andre's statement which is given in Sargent, p. 349; Boynton's West 
Point, pp. 149-15 1, and elsewhere. Cf. P. W. Chandler's Am. Criminal Trials, ii. 
Sargent, ch. 22 and Biddle, Mem. Hist. Penna., vi., give the characters of the mem- 
bers of the board. Cf. Washington and the Generals of the Am. Rev., Phila., 1848, 
and the separate biographies mentioned by Biddle, p. 341. Lord Mahon says that 
the judges had probably never even heard the names of Vattel and Puffendorf. To 
this Prof. Geo. W. Greene (Life of Gen. Greene, p. 234) replies that Gen. Greene 
was as familiar with the common law " as an attentive study of Jacobs and Black- 
stone could make him familiar ; and the law of nations he had studied in Vattel, the 
leading authority of the day." Washington's letter, dated Tappan, Sep. 29th, is in 
Sparks, vii.; Sargent, p. 347 ; and Proc. of a Board, p. 5. Letters of Andre to Clin- 
ton, and Robertson to Washington, Sep. 29th, are in Sparks ; Sargent, p. 360-361. 
The case of Maj. A. rep. of Andre's letter on p. 9. Both the letters are given in the 
app. to Proc. of a Board. A letter of Tallmadge to Col. Webb, dated Sep. 30th, was 
printed in the Troy (N. Y.) Morning Whig in Apl., 1879, tne original is among the 
Webb MSS., part of it is given in Mem. Hist. Soc. Penna., vi. 398. Cf. Andre's 
statement to Hamilton in Life of Alex. Hamilton by Jno. C. Hamilton, i. 271 ; and 
letters to Laurens, Sears, and Miss Schuyler, in Hamilton's Writings ; Gen. Greene's 
letters in Rhode Island, Col. Rec, ix. 246 ; and Rev. Correspondence in R. I. Hist. 
Colls., vi. Greene's letter to Robertson, dated Tappan, Oct. 2d, is in the case of 
Maj. A., p. 12, and Sargent, p. 380. The correspondence of the Commissioners is 
in Sargent, and the case of Maj. A. Andre's letter to Washington, requesting a 
change in the mode of his death, is given in Sargent, p. 390, and Lossing's Field 
Book, i. 770, where the original is stated to be at Charlottesville, Va. Clinton's 
official dispatches to the British Government are in the State Paper Office in Lon- 
don. " Narrative of correspondence respecting Gen. Arnold ; " in Sir H. Clinton's 
of Oct. n, 1780. S. P. O. Am. and W. Inds., vol. 126. His letters of Oct. nth 
and 1 2 th; his report to Lord Amherst, Oct. 16th ; and his secret letter, Oct. 30th. 
These papers have been used by Sparks and Sargent. Cf. The Gentleman's Maga- 
zine for 1780, et seq. 

Execution and Burial — The testimony of a soldier (name not given) who was an 
eye-witness of the execution is in Barber and Howe, Hist. Colls. N. J., p. 77 ; and 
Hist. Colls. N. Y., p. 479. It is rep. in Sargent, p. 396. Sargent collated the dif- 
ferent printed accounts with the MS. of Maj. Benj. Russell. Memoir of Tallmadge, 
N. Y., 1858, p. 36. Letter of Tallmadge to Heath in app. to Sargent. A paragraph 
from Fishkill, Oct. 5, 1780, in Yonkers Gazette, March 24, 1866. Editor's Table 
of Knickerbocker Magazine, vol. xvi., 1840. A letter of Col. Scammell, dated 
Tappan, Oct. 3. 1780, is in Farmer and Moore's Coll. Hist, and Misc. & Monthly 
Lit. Journal, iii. 288. A letter of Col. Meade, dated Tappan, Oct. 3d, to Col. 
Theod. Bland is in the Bland Papers, ii. ^3- Dr. Thacher's account in his Military 


Journal, 8vo, Boston, 1827, p. 225. Letter of Jeptha R. Simms, in N. Y. World, 
Oct. 12, 1879. Observations Relative to the Execution of Maj. Andre, by James 
Thacher, M.D., in New Eng. Magazine, May, 1834, vi., 358, where he refers to the 
Continental Journal and Weekly Adv., ed. by Gill, at Boston, Oct. 26, 1780. In 
this art. he gives Maj. Benj. Russell's letter. The results of Sparks's correspondence 
with eye-witnesses of the execution, were first used by him in a lecture delivered in 
Boston in the Winter of 1833-34. Notices concerning the execution from Anbu- 
rey's Travels and Mackinnon's Coldstream Guards are rep. in Mag. Am. Hist, July, 
1880, p. 59. The account given by Lieut. Jno. Shreve is in Mag. Am. Hist., Sep., 
1877, p. 573. Extract of a letter from Camp Tappan, Oct. 2, 1780, is in Penna. 
Packet for Tuesday, Oct. 10, 1780, and in the Penna. Gazette and Weekly Adv., 
Oct. 11, 1780 (see remarks about this letter in the N. Y. World, Sep. 21, 1879; 
and also remarks about a passage in the Connecticut Courant of Oct. 24, 1780, in 
the N. Y. World, Sep. 14, and 16, 1879). Letter from a gentleman (Alex. Hamil- 
ton) in camp to his friend (Col. Laurens) in Phila. is in Penna. Packet, Oct. 14, 1780, 
and the Penna. Journal, Oct. 18, 1780; rep. in Life of Hamilton, N. Y., 1834, i. 
273. Letter of Chas. M. Oblenis in the "City and Country" (pub. at Nyack and 
Piermont), Sep. 26, 1879. In this letter is the following passage : " Even the wagon 
out of which Andre was hanged has its history. It was one of the few wagons then 
owned in the County. My great-grandfather, Hendrick Oblenis, was one of the 
committee of safety whose duty it was to furnish wagons, etc. As there . was no 
money to buy with they were pressed into the service wherever found. Knowing 
this, the owner (one Van Ostrand) hid his under the hay in his barn, where it was 
found. After the close of the war the wagons so taken were collected by my grand- 
father and the owners notified. Van Ostrand never called for his, but sued Hen- 
drick for its value. The case was, however, thrown out of court, and the wagon, 
though serviceable at the time, finally rotted away under a pear tree back of the 
homestead at Clarkstown." 

Buchanan's account of the disinterment of Andre's remains in 182 1 is in the United 
Service Journal (London), November, 1833. Mrs. Child's Letters from New York ; 
Dr. Thacher, in New Eng. Mag. for May, 1834; the New York Evening Post, 
August 11, 1831 ; Stanley's Hist. Memorials of Westminster Abbey, Lond., 1876, 
pp. 256-257. Tallmadge's letter in Mag. Am. Hist., December, 1879, P- 754- C£ 
Sargent, pp. 408-411 ; Mem. Hist. Soc. Penna., pp. 372-375. In the N. Y. Evan- 
gelist, January 30, 1879, 1S a letter relating to the removal of the remains, and in the 
same paper for February 27, 1879, a letter from James Demarest, Jr., replying, and 
stating that the account of the gifts bestowed on the Rev. Mr. Demarest, contained 
in the Proc. of the N. J. Hist. Soc. for 1875, is erroneous. The statement that the 
remains of Andre were never buried at Tappan, but were removed by the British to 
New York immediately after the execution, is in the Personal Narrative of the Ser- 
vices of Lieut. John Shreve, in Mag. Am. Hist., Sept., 1879, P« 574- This narrative 
was not written till more than seventy years after the war. The publication of 


this statement occasioned a controversy in the N. Y. World, between two investi- 
gators in American history ("New York" and "Tappan") as to the question 
whether Shreve's assertion was true. Letters signed by " Tappan," and headed 
" Where was Andre Buried ? " casting discredit on Shreve's statement, are in the 
N. Y. World, Sept. 8, 14, and 21, 1879. Answers signed " New York," defending 
Shreve's testimony, are in the same paper, Sept 10, 15, and 21, 1879. There are 
also letters relating to the subject in the following newspapers : New York World 
Aug. 30, Sept. 14, Sept. 19, and Sept. 23, 1879. Letter of Col. A. B. Gardner to I. 
N. Arnold, dated Aug. 27, 1879, published in the Chicago Evening Journal ; Letter 
of Oliver E. Branch in N. Y. World, Sept. 29, 1879; Letter of Charles M. Oblenis 
in " City and Country" (Nyack); Sept. 26, 1879 J " Sindbad " (J. R. Simms) in Cana- 
joharie Courier, Sept. 27, 1879 ; Letter of the same in N. Y. World, Oct. 12, 1879; 
and Jno. Austin Stevens in N. Y. Times, Oct. 20 and 22, 1879 5 " A mystery about 
the schooner Greyhound," under the head of Andre and Arnold in N. Y. Evening 
Post, Oct. 15, 1879. 

Andre's Will — This is recorded in Records of Wills for 1780, in the Surrogate's 
office, N. Y. City, dated Staten Island, June 7, 1777 ; admitted to probate October 12, 
1780. Wm. Seaton and Henry White testified to the handwriting. Sabine's Am. 
Loyalists, ii. 273, 418; Potter's Am. Monthly, September, 1876, p. 172; biog. of 
Henry White, in Stevens' Col. Rec. N. Y. Chamber of Commerce, 8vo, N. Y. 1867. 
The will is printed in Sargent, p. 402, and Lossing's F. B. Rev., i. 767. 

Andre's Watch — Sparks's Arnold, p. 230, mentions the fact of the watch being 
bought by Col. Smith. Sargent, p. 318, quotes Col. Samuel Bowman that Andre 
had two watches. A note about the watch is in the Am. Hist. Record, Oct., 1874, 
p. 470, where there is reference to a New York illustrated newspaper of 1857 ; 
N. Y. Graphic, July 25, 1876 (from the Phila. Press) ; N. Y. Evening Post, Oct. 20, 
1879 '> Judge Benson in a fly-leaf appended to the Vind. of the Captors, N. Y. 181 7 ; 
N. Y. Evening Post, Oct. 15, 1879; an d Sunnyside Press (Tarrytown, N. Y.), Sept. 
18, 1880. 

Joshua Hett Smith — In the preface to his Life of Arnold, Jared Sparks stated 
that he had used the records of Smith's trial in writing the book. In 1866, Mr. Daw- 
son issued a "Record of the Trial of Joshua Hett Smith, Esq., for Alleged Compli- 
city in the Treason of Benedict Arnold ; 1780 : Edited by Henry B. Dawson," 8vo, 
Monisania, 1866. This was " a carefully made verbatim copy of what was said, with 
undoubted truth, to have been a faithful copy of the original record of the court, in- 
cluding all the testimony by question and answer, the original manuscript having dis- 
appeared from the Clinton papers, to which it belonged." The Gentleman's Maga- 
zine, 1780, Supplement, p. 610. Hist. Mag., 1866, Supplements 1 and 2. N. Y. 
Herald, 1842. Smith's narrative first appeared in England : " An Authentic Narra- 
tive of the Causes which led to the Death of Major Andre, Adjutant-General of his 
Majesty's forces in North America, by Joshua Hett Smith, Esq., Counsellor at Law, 
late Member of the Convention of the State of New York ; to which is added a 


Monody on the death of Major Andre, by Miss Seward," 8vo. Matthews and Leigh, 
London, 1808. The next year, 1809, it was reprinted by Evert Duyckinck, No. no 
Pearl Street, N. Y. See also valuable memoir in Appendix to Maturin L. Dela- 
field's Biog. Sketch of Judge William Smith, Mag. of Am. Hist., April, 1881, vi. 279. 
An account of Smith's house at Haverstraw, with a picture of Andre's room in it, is 
in the Mag. Am. Hist, for July, 1880. 

The Captors — An abstract of the testimony of Paulding and Williams is in Sparks's 
Arnold, pp. 222-226. David Williams in Simms's Hist, of Schoharie County, N. Y., 
8vo, 1845, P- 646. Hist. Mag., June, 1865. An account given by Van Wart to 
Browere, the artist, is in Am. Hist. Record, Sept., 1872, p. 407. Jno. Paulding 
in Hist. Mag., Nov., 1857. Bolton's Hist, of Westchester County, i., pp. 88-213. 
The party to which the three captors belonged were seven in number (Sparks's Ar- 
nold, p. 222); Bolton, i. 213, gives their names. Lossing (F. B. of the Rev., i. 
755) substitutes for the name of Isaac See, as given by Bolton, the name of Jno. 
Dean (Am. Hist. Record, iii. 471, 515). Local details are in Bolton. A genealogy 
of the three captors is in The Sunnyside Press (Tarrytown, N. Y.), Sept. n, 1880. 
Potter's Am. Monthly, September, 1876. The Centennial Souvenir, Tarrytown, 
1880. Quincy's Journals of Sam'l Shaw. N. Y. Times, September 23, 1880. The 
character of the captors is discussed in Sargent's Andre, app. Statements of one 
of Andre's guards, printed in the newspapers in 181 7, are given in Jones's N. Y. 
in the Rev. War, i., 734. Paulding petitioned Congress in 181 7 for an increase of 
pension. The Journals of the House, 181 7, give Tallmadge's recollections. Ana- 
lectic Magazine, x. Vindication of the Captors of Major Andre, N. Y., 181 7 ; this 
book (written by Judge Benson) was rep. in N. Y. in 1865 (Sabin reprints, No. 3), 
and elsewhere ; see Potter's Am. Monthly, Aug., 1876, p. 102. Am. Hist. Record, 
Dec, 1873. The statement of one of the Pines, of Pine's Bridge, that Van Wart 
was a tory, is in Sabine's Am. Loyalists, ii. 194. N. Y. Sun, Sept. 29, Oct. 1, and 
2, 1879. N. Y. Evening Post, Sep. 16, 1879. N. Y. Sun, Oct. 15, 1879. O n 
the 2d of Oct., 1879, Cyrus W. Field, of N. Y., placed a stone marking the spot 
where Andre was executed. Letter of Benson J. Lossing, dated Jan. 8, 1879, 
in N. Y. Evening Post ; and the following New York city newspapers of 1879 
— Comm. Adv., Aug. 30 ; World, Sep. 23 ; Evening Post, Oct. 1 ; Sun, Oct. 2 ; 
Sun, Herald, Times, Tribune, Star, Comm. Adv., Evening Post, Evening Express, 
and Mail of Oct. 3 ; Times, Sun. Courier des Etats Unis, Evening Post, Telegram, 
and Mail of Oct. 4 ; Sunday Mercury, Oct. 5 ; Sun, Oct. 6 ; World and Tribune, 
Oct. 7 ; World, Oct. 8 ; Greenpoint Globe, Oct. n ; Sun, Oct. 12 and 13 ; Even- 
ing Post, Oct. 20 and Nov. 21 ; Times, Nov. 23. There are also notices in the 
City and Country (Nyack), Oct. 10, 1879; Rockland Co. Journal, Oct. n, 1879; 
Pittsburgh Telegraph, June n, 17, and 25, 1879. There are caricatures in Puck 
(N. Y.), Oct. 22, and N. Y. Daily Graphic, Oct. 6, 1879. 

Poems and Ballads — The ballad of " Brave Paulding and the Spy," is in Moore's 
Songs and Ballads of the Am. Rev., p. 316. Andre's lines, "Return Enraptured 


Hours," are in the Literary Miscellany: Stourport ; J. Nicholson, 1812. A glee in 
Andre's praise is in Hobler's Glees, as sung at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, Lon- 
don, 1794. Jas. Smith's "Milk and Honey," letter vii., these are all given in Sar- 
gent, with the exception of the first. Sergeant Lamb (Journal of the Am. War, p. 
33%) gives a hymn of nine verses, which, if we are to believe Lamb, was written by 
Andre in prison. Andre's Lament is in The Am. Musical Miscellany: Northamp- 
ton, 1798 ; it was also printed on a broadside by Nathaniel Coverly, Jr., Milk Street, 
corner of Theatre Alley, Boston, Sargent, App. Brillat Savarin, in 1794, alludes to 
a young lady of Hartford singing to him "la chanson nationale, Yankee Dudde, la 
complainte de la reine Marie et celle du Major Andre, qui sont tout a fait populaires 
en ce pays." "An Incident of Andre's Capture," by Jno. Banvard, in N. Y. Com- 
mercial Adv., Sept., 1880. The verses of Mr. Willis and Mr. Miller on the subject 
are well known. Besides Dunlap's there is a tragedy of "Andre " in five acts, 1798, 
believed to be written by Dr. Elihu H. Smith. "Arnold and Andre," by Geo. H. 
Calvert, 1840. Miss Seward's Monody is reprinted in Potter's Am. Monthly, 1876. 
The tragedy of "Arnold." In fiction Andre is the hero of Sir Henry's Ward : a 
Tale of the Rev., by Mrs. Ann S. Stephens in Graham's Magazine for 1846. The 
N. Y. Mirror for 1838 mentions Theodore S. Fay as being engaged on a novel 
called "Andre." " Pemberton ; or, One Hundred Years Ago," Phil., 1876. 

Maps, Plans, and Views — Villefranche's map of the fortifications at West Point 
(believed to be the one used by Andre and Arnold at their conference) is in the 
first edition of Boynton's West Point — not included in the later editions. In the 
same is Villefranche's map of the west side of the Hudson, 1780. Erskine's 
map of the scene of Arnold's treason is in Mag. Am. Hist. Soc, p. 757, from 
the original in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Sargent, p. 302, gives a map of the east 
side of the Hudson, found among the papers of his grandfather, Major Sargent. 
Sparks (Arnold, p. 177) gives a map to illustrate Andre's route, which, how- 
ever, is not accurate in detail. Carrington's Battles, 512. Guizot's Washington 
Atlas. Marbois's Complot has a plan of West Point, and there are wood-cut maps 
giving a general idea in Lossing's Field Book and Boynton's West Point. The 
Atlas of New York and its Vicinity, pub. by Beers, Ellis and Soule, N. Y., 1868, 
contains 72 maps, folio, of Westchester and Putnam counties, showing the roads, on 
which the position of some of the houses Andre stopped at are laid down. The N. 
Y. Herald for Sep. 23, 1880, gives maps of Tarry town, 1 780-1880. Pictures of the 
Hallman house near Peekskill, and Underbill's house on the Pine's Bridge Road, are 
in Potter's Am. Monthly, Sep., 1876. Pictures of the Beekman house and Andre's 
room in it, are in Valentine's Manual Comm. Council, N. Y., 186 1, 496, 498. Rob- 
inson's house in Mag. Am. Hist, for Feb., 1880, and Smith's house in same for July, 
1880. A view of Sir H. Clinton's private room in No. 1, Broadway, is in Valen- 
tine's Manual for 1858. In this house Dr. Francis (Old New York, 8vo, 1866) says 
that Jno. Pintard had an interesting conversation with Andre about their respective 
claims to Huguenot descent. A copy of Andre's drawing of a knight of the Mischi- 



anza is in Mag. Am. Hist., March, 1880, p. 200. There are various wood-cuts re- 
lating to Andre in Harper's Mag. for May, 1876, Bolton's Westchester County, Los- 
sing's F. B. of the Rev., and the Hudson from the Wild, to the Sea. Of personal 
relics, his silver spur is in the headquarters at Newburgh. His pocket-book belongs 
to the Connecticut Hist. Soc. Silhouettes cut for him for Miss Rebecca Redman, 
of Phila., together with the autograph of " Return Enraptured Hours," and a Mischi- 
anza ticket, were exhibited in New York in Dec, 1880 — the property of the Foxhall 
Parker estate. Similar relics, given by Miss Craig to Watson, the antiquary, were 
by him presented to the Philadelphia Library. His MS. account of the Mischianza 
belongs to the Howard family of Maryland. 

Miscella?ieous — A spurious " Defence," alleged to have been read by Andre at his 
trial, is in Blake's Hist, of Putnam Co., N. Y., copied from the Newark Daily Advertiser. 
It is in Potter's Am. Monthly for April, 1876 ; see in regard to it the same Mag. for 
July, 1876, p. 60, and Aug , 1876, p. 101, where it is said to have been also printed in 
Sabin's Am. Bibliopolist. At the fall meeting of the Penna. Hist. Soc. in 1876, meas- 
ures were taken to recover the portrait of Franklin carried off by Andre. The N. Y. 
Sun of Oct. 20, 1879, has a letter from E. G. N. Butler, stating himself to be a kins- 
man of Andre. The Mag. Am. Hist., Dec, 1880, reprints a notice of the tulip tree 
at Tarrytown, from the Am. Citizen of Aug. 25, 1801. Articles relating to Andre 
are in the Atlantic Monthly, Dec i860; N. A. Review, July, 1861 ; "Dealings 
With the Dead," by L. M. Sargent ; Sabin's Am. Bibliopolist, 1869-18 70 ; N. Y. Chris- 
tian Advocate, 1880; Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., ii. 195 ; Political Magazine, March, 
1 781 ; Faux's Memorable Days in America, London, 1823 ; Prog, of the N. J. Hist. 
Soc. for 1876; Smith and Watson's Am. Hist, and Literary Curiosities; Rush's 
Washington in Domestic Life ; Simcoe (Milit. Journal, 8vo, N. Y., 1844) speaks of 
the proposal to rescue Andre, and Trumbull (Autobiography) tells of his own ar- 
rest in London. The Galaxy, N. Y., Feb., 1876. The Duke of Sake-Weimar's 
Travels in America, 1828. Reed's Life of Reed. Rochambeau's Memoires, vol. i. 
Botta (Guerra Americana, lib. xii.) gives a brief account of Andre's case, and com- 
ments upon his sentence, " Cosi fu tratto a giusta, ma indegna morte." 

The captor's medal is given in Loubat's Medallic Hist, of the U. S. It is graven 
on the monuments of Paulding and Van Wart. There is an article on the dress of 
Andre in the N. Y. Evening Post, Oct. 2, 1879, an( ^ notes relating to his burial in 
the Mag. Am. Hist., July and Aug., 1880. H. B. Dawson published in the Yonkers 
Gazette a series of papers, sixty-eight in number, from May 6, 1865, to April 14, 
1866, afterward reprinted in book form: "Papers Concerning the Capture and De- 
tention of Major John Andre." 





Including Suffolk County, Massachu- 
setts. 1630-1880. Edited by Justin Win- 
sor, in four volumes. Vol. III. The Revolu- 
tionary Period. The last Hundred Years. 
Part I. 4to, pp. 691. James R. Osgood & 
Co., Boston, 1881. 

In the present volume, the interest of the Me- 
morial History is more than maintained. The 
volume contains twenty chapters, with an Intro- 
duction by Mr. Winsor, who treats of the maps 
of the Revolutionary period, and the maps of Bos- 
ton subsequent to the War. Edward G. Porter 
writes of the "Beginning of the Revolution;" 
Edward E. Hale of " The Siege of Boston ; " the 
"Pulpit, Press, and Literature," is by the late 
Delano A. Goddord ; Horace E. Scudder treats 
of "Life in Boston." Mr. Lodge opens the last 
Hundred Years, with an account of " The Last 
Forty Years of Town Government;" "Boston 
under the Mayors" follows from James M. Bug- 
bee ; Governor Long treats of " Boston and the 
Commonwealth under the Charter;" the "Bos- 
ton Soldiery" are dealt with by Col. Palfrey ; 
Admiral Preble discusses " The Navy and the 
Charlestown Navy Yard," and James Freeman 
Clarke does justice to "The Anti-Slavery Move- 
ment." Then follow eight chapters on the 
Churches, by an equal number of writers ; when 
the deeply interesting subject of "Charlestown in 
the Last Hundred Years " is reached, by Mr. 
Henry H. Edes, the pages being sprinkled with 
the autographs of many well-remembered men. 
The story of " Dorchester in the Last Hundred 
Years" is well told by Samuel J. Barrows; and 
Mellen Chamberlain performs the same office for 
Brighton. The work closes with a notice of 
"The Press and Literature," by Charles A. Cum- 
mings. The illustrations are for the most part 
very superior, both as regards subject and execu- 
tion, the heliotype, the photo-engraving and the 
hand process being combined. Many rare maps 
and views of Boston and vicinity are thus made 
cherished possessions of the fortunate subscriber, 
together with fine portraits and innumerable auto- 
graphs, rendering the volume worth many times 
its cost, even to break up for the purposes of spe- 
cial illustration, as the collector will here find 
what he can never obtain in any other way. The 
typography of this volume could hardly be ex- 
celled, being, in fact, everything that one could 
desire. It would be a pleasant task to dwell upon 
some of the more prominent features of this sump- 
tuous work, edited throughout with good judg- 
ment and taste. Nothing has been left undone 
to give a faithful expression to the portion of Bos- 
ton's history under consideration. 

ICAL Society. Vol. VIII. 8vo, pp. 511. 
Hoyt, Fogg & Donham, Portland, iSSi. 

At the February (1SS1) meeting of the Society, 
it was determined that its publication should 
hereafter be divided into two series, the first to 
embrace papers properly belonging to the docu- 
mentary history of the State, the second the pro- 
ceedings and transactions and papers read at its 
meetings. Two volumes of the documentary col- 
lection have already been issued : one on the 
Discovery of North America, by Dr. J. G. 
Kohl, in 1869, a Discourse on Western Planting, 
by Richard Hacklyt, written in 1584, published 
in 1S77. A third, The Trelawney Papers, is now 
in press. The present volume contains twelve 
articles, viz. : The Northeastern Boundary, by 
Israel Washburne, Jr. ; Col. Arthur Noble, of 
Georgetown, by William Gookl ; Educational 
Institutions in Maine while a District of Massa- 
chusetts, by J. T. Champlin ; The Pemaquid 
Country Under the Stuarts, by H. W. Richard* 
son ; Fort Halifax, its Projectors, Builders, and 
Garrison, by William Goold ; Col. William 
Vaughan, of Matinicus and Damanscotta, by 
William Goold ; Norambega, by John E. God- 
frey, and six memoirs and biographical sketches. 
Together these papers are a valuable contribution 
to historical information. 

TORY and Settlements oi" the Towns 
along the Hudson and Mohawk Rivers, 
with the exception of Albany, from 1630 to 
16S4, and also illustrating the relations of the 
Settlers with the Indians. Translated, compiled, 
and edited from the Original Records, by B. 
Fernovv, Keeper of the Historical Records. 
4to, pp. 617. Weed, Parsons & Co., Albany, 

This collection makes the thirteenth volume of 
the Old Series, and the second of the New Series 
of Documents relating to the Colonial History of 
New York, preserved in the office of the Secretary 
of State at Albany. The publication could not 
have been confided to more competent hands 
than those which the accomplished editor brought 
to the task. It is arranged in two periods, the 
first, from the first recorded Dutch Patent to the 
occupation of the Province by the English, 1630- 
1664 ; the second, the Province under English 
rule from the surrender of the Dutch to the es- 
tablishment of counties, 1664- 1684. 

The New York Province has been aptly termed 
a pivotal State. Its territorial position gave it 
international as well as local importance. In 
its history may be found the beginning of Ameri- 
can diplomacy, which, small apparently, had 



lasting bearing upon the destiny of the entire 
country. The negptiations of the earliest Eng- 
lish Governors of the Duke of York's patent were 
the foundation oi English policy toward Canada; 
the treaties with the Iroquois tribes determined 
the right of sovereignty to the soil. These im- 
portant subjects cannot be rightly understood 
without the aid of the Documents which are now 
for the first time made public. 

Original Items and Relations, Letters, 
Extracts, and Notes pertaining to 
Early Chicago, embellished with views, por- 
traits, autographs, etc. By Henry H. Hurl- 
but. 8vo, pp. 673. Printed for the Author, 
Chicago, 1 881. 

Under this title the author presents a variety 
of information concerning the early history of 
this remarkable city. The range of subjects 
treated is extensive. The laws and ordinances 
passed in Common Council in 1831 and a business 
directory, sharing the honors of reprint side by 
side with extracts from the diaries of travellers 
from Joliet and Marquette, down to the present 
day, and critical essays upon the early discoverers 
of the Illinois and Mississippi. There are some 
excellent illustrations and reprints of maps, which 
may be consulted with profit. 

United States of America, with an Al- 
phabetical Analysis: Proceedings of the 
Continental Congress ; Non-Importation 
Agreement ; Address to the Crown and People 
of Great Britain ; the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, etc., to which is added a descriptive ac- 
count of the State Papers, Public Documents, 
and other sources of political and statistical in- 
formation at the head of Government. By 
William Hickey. New and enlarged edition, 
revised and brought down to March 4, 1877. 
By Alexander Cummings. i2mo, pp. 624. 
John Murphy & Co., Baltimore, 1878. 

This valuable compendium, with the analysis 
which accompanies it, has held its authoritative 
place since its first issue in 1846. It is invaluable 
to all who have to do with public questions, con- 
taining information which can only be obtained 
elsewhere by diligent search. A large amount 
of new matter has been added to the present 

and Condensed Chronology from the 
Time of the Ancient Britons to the 
Reign of Queen Victoria. With a synop- 
sis of England in the nineteenth century, its 
government, institutions, etc. Compiled by 
Archibald Hamilton McCalman. 8vo, 
pp. 669. Trow's Printing and Bookbind- 
ing Company. New York, 1880. 

This is an effort on the part of a man of busi- 
ness to provide others similarly situated with a 
history of the country from which we drew our 
laws, our institutions, and our habits. Its only 
novelty is in the treatment, the text being essen- 
tially a compilation from standard authorities. 
The reign of Victoria fills a large and important 
place in the volume, the last chapter including the 
speech from the throne made on the meeting of 
Parliament in April, 1880, when Gladstone suc- 
ceeded dTsraeli in the Cabinet. Compactly ar- 
ranged and clearly written, this is an excellent 
volume for the family. 

SETTS Historical Society. Vol. XVIII., 
1880-81. 8vo, pp. 483. Published by the 
Society. Boston, 1881. 

This volume presents the records of the meet- 
ings of the Society from April, 1880, to June, 
1881, inclusive. Among other interesting papers, 
notice is directed to the Relation of the Sagadahoc 
Colony in manuscripts, edited by Mr. De Costa ; 
The Controversy between Dr. Ellis and Mr. 
Whittier, concerning the King's Missive ; a poem 
by the latter ; a relation by Mr. Ames of The 
Part taken by Massachusetts Soldiers in Vernon's 
Expedition against Carthagena, and Mr. Win- 
throp's Account of the Portrait of John Hamp- 
den, in the Executive Mansion at Washington. 

England, France, and Germany. Giving 
the contemporaneous sovereigns, literary char- 
acters and social progress of each century from 
the Roman Conquest to the present day. By 
Mary E. Kelly. Multum in parvo. 4to, 
pp. 87. E. Claxton & Co. Philadelphia, 

This is the result of a teacher's plan of instruc- 
tion to her own pupils. The important facts in 
the history of the three countries are presented 
in as many parallel columns. The chapter di- 
visions are by centuries. It will be found a use- 
ful aid in the school-room. 



ok the First Settlers of Windsor, Con- 
necticut, and of Some of His Descend- 
ants. By Samuel Wolcoit. Printed for 
private distribution. 4to, pp. 439. A. D. F. 
Randolph & Co. New York, 1881. 

No more sumptuous volume of family history 
has ever appeared in the United States. The 
compiler is the Rev. Samuel Wolcott, of Cleve- 
land, Ohio. An account is given of the family in 
England, and of the eight generations who have 
adorned the name by their private and public 
virtues in the United States. The illustrations 
are numerous and varied in character ; abundant 
photographs of seals, documents, silver, etc.; 
views of houses and portraits etched or engraved 
on steel and wood by the best of our artists. 
The edition is limited and not for sale. Fortu- 
nate, therefore, are the societies, libraries, and 
individuals who have been favored by the gener- 
ous gentlemen who have assumed the cost of its 

PILED from Family Papers and Other 
Sources, 160S-1S05. Edited and annotated 
by G. D. Scull. 8vo, pp. 392. Printed for 
private circulation. Parkes & Co. Oxford, 

English and American records have been ran- 
sacked with profit in the preparation of this com- 
plete memoir of a family whose name is familiar 
on both continents. Of greatest interest to our 
readers are sixteen letters written by Captain 
William Glanville Evelyn to his relatives at 
home. Evelyn came to America in the King's 
Own Regiment, which landed at Boston in June, 
1774. He was present at Lexington and Con- 
cord, and after the evacuation of Boston returned 
from Halifax to New York with the troops, 
under Lord Howe. He was in the battle of 
Long Island and at the capture of New York, 
soon after which (September 24, 1776) he lost 
his life in the movement made upon Washing- 
ton's flank at Throg's Neck. The present volume 
differs from the previous publication by the same 
author (Memoir and letters of Captain Evelyn) 
in the addition of an account of the family in 
Virginia, a memoir and letters of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Harcourt, the captor of General Charles 
Lee (1776-77), a notice of John Montresor, and 
selections from his journals and dairies. The 
illustrations are views of Wotton House, por- 
traits of Captain Evelyn, General Prescott, Mrs. 
Boscawen, General Charles Lee, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Harcourt, Earl Harcourt, Captain Mon- 
tresor, Earl Percy, and maps of the movements 
of the British army in New York, and attack on 

the forts on the Delaware. Mr. Scull, a Pennsyl- 
yanian by birth, now residing at Oxford, is collect- 
ing, from the ample sources of American informa- 
tion in the possession of private families, material 
of the greatest value to our students, and deserves 
the heartiest praise for his disinterested work. 

York compares with other Cities. Lungs 
for the Metropolis, the financial and sanitary 
aspects of the question. 8vo, pp. 23. Pub- 
lished by the New York Park Associa- 
tion. 1882. 

A topographical map of the annexed district 
and adjoining territory of Westchester County 
shows the area of the new park proposed for the 
benefit of the large population which is rapidly 
gathering on the mainland to the northward of the 
Harlem River, and is already in close communi- 
cation with the city by surface and elevated rail- 
roads. The land proposed includes part of the 
estate of the Van Courtlandts, surrounding old 
Courtlandt House, a mansion full of historic in- 
terest. The area suggested is from eleven to 
twelve hundred acres in extent, part meadow and 
part hillside, varied with abundant water-views 
and abounding in fine trees. Engraved views 
illustrate the pamphlet. An interesting chapter 
shows the increased wealth and resources which 
the establishment of parks brings to the city at 


IEL T. V. Huntoon. 8vo, pp. 113. Canton, 
Mass., 1 88 1. 

The Hunton family is of Wiltshire origin. 
The traditions of the American branch, verbally 
given to the author by his father, have been here 
worked into intelligent shape. Philip, the an- 
cestor of the New England branch, was born in 
England, about 1664, and immigrated, when a 
boy, to this country, where he married his mas- 
ter's daughter, Betsey Hall. The list of de- 
scendants occupies ninety-two pages of this 

CEEDINGS at the Presentation, Union 
Square, New York, Tuesday, October 
25, 1881. Printed for private distribution. 
4to, pp. 26. A. D. F. Randolph & Co. 
New York, 1882. 

This beautiful work of art and utility, the gift 
to the city of New York of a life long devotee of 
the cause of temperance, Mr. D. Willis James, 



is the work of Donndorf, Professor of Sculpture 
in the Art Academy of Stuttgart. Germany. No 
more appropriate charity can be devised than the 
erection of attractive fountains in public squares 
and on the thoroughfares, for the use of man or 

old, on Long Island, were Settled. By 
George R. Howell. 8vo, pp. 14. Weed, 
Parsons & Co. Albany, 1882. 

This is a controversial pamphlet, the purpose of 
which is to prove that the Rev. Dr. Epher Whita- 
ker, in his recent history of Southold, is in error 
in his claim that the Long Island settlement of 
that name was made prior to that of Southamp- 
ton. Mr. Howell insists that the latter was set- 
tled in June, 1640, some months before South- 
old, and supports his opinion with, he says, the 
harmonious testimony of all the historians. 

MERCE of the State of New York to the 
Memory of Samuel B. Ruggles; Novem- 
ber 3, 1881. 8vo, pp. 12. Press of the 
New York Chamber of Commerce. New 
York, 1881. 

Though a lawyer by profession, the life of 
Mr. Ruggles was passed in the great economic 
and industrial movements which, in his genera- 
tion, carried New York to its pinnacle of pros- 
perity. In all of them he had much to do. No 
man before or of his time devoted the same 
amount of intelligent labor to the development 
of the Erie Canal, the water artery of the North- 
ern Continent. As a statistician he stood in the 
very first international rank. 

William Roe Van Voorhis, of Fishkill, 
Duchess County, New York. By his 
Grandson, Elias W. Van Voorhis. For 
private distribution only. Pp. 239. New 
York, 1881. 

A carefully prepared and admirably printed 
genealogy of a wide-spread family of Dutch des- 
cent, which the painstaking author has made of 
more than usual general interest by the insertion 
of numerous wills, deeds, documents and ex- 
tracts from church records. It is illustrated with 
fine steel portraits of Major Van Voorhis and 
his wife, and views of some of the country resi- 
dences of the family, old and new. It is to be 
hoped that this good example will be followed by 
many of the descendants of the old New York 

families. It is a noticeable feature of the Genea- 
logic and Heraldic Collection, bequeathed to the 
New York Historical Society, by the late Stephen 
Whitney Phoenix, that in the division of separate 
family genealogies, which numbers over seven 
hundred, there is less than a score of those identi- 
fied with the Empire State. 

of the Emmerton Family. Compiled by 
James A. Emmerton. Privately printed. 
8vo, pp. 244. Salem Press, 1881. 

The author in his preface invites the attention 
of the reader to the mode of arrangement adopted 
in his genealogy. The name he derives from that 
of Emberton, a town name in England. The fam- 
ily genealogy is divided into chapters, under tri- 
bal denominations, as the tribe of Joseph, the 
tribe of John, etc. An appendix supplies a list 
of ancestral tablets, etc. The book is well 

made at Bruce' s New York Type Foun- 
dry, established in 1813. 4to, pp. 352. 
George Bruce' s Son & Co. New York, 

LECTION of Facts and Opinions Descrip- 
tive of Early Prints and Playing Cards; 
the Block-Books of the Fifteenth Cen- 
tury ; the legend of Laurens Janszoon Coster, 
of Haarlem, and the work of John Gutenberg 
and his associates. Illustrated with fac-similes 
of early types and woodcuts. By Theo. L. 
DeVinne. 4to, 168. George Bruce's Son 
& Co., type-founders. New York, 1878. 

Published as a specimen book of the fonts of 
printing types in present use, this elaborate vol- 
ume is a landmark in the progress of the art of 
Gutenberg. The name of Bruce is indissolubly con- 
ected with the art of type-founding and stereotyp- 
ing in this country. For seventy-nine years this 
house, founded by George Bruce, has furnished 
the printing houses of the United States with 
their best working material. The present man- 
ager, Mr. David Wolle Bruce, is a worthy suc- 
cessor of his distinguished father, who united to 
a practical understanding of his art a thorough 
scholarship. In the extensive library formed by 
the father and son may be found many rare spe- 
cimens of the early masters. To the former, the 
New York Historical Society owes its almost 
unique file of the Boston News Letter, 1704-1708, 



presented in 1805, soon after the foundation of 
the institution. 

The second part of the bound volume is a re- 
print of DeVinne's well-known work, arranged 
so as to display the different fonts of the Bruce 
type from Great Primer to Diamond. 

Centennial. Message of the Governor 
and Report of the Commissioners of the 
State for the reception and entertainment of 
the National Guests. Albany, January, 1882. 

Our readers will find here the formal act of the 
Commission appointed by Governor Cornell, to 
extend the courtesies of the State of New York 
to the distinguished visitors to the United States, 
who took part in the celebration at Yorktown. 
The expenses of these elegant hospitalities ten- 
dered by the Commission was entirely borne by 
the fifteen gentlemen appointed by the Governor. 

with some Speculations as to their 
Origin, etc. By Sam. Briggs. 8vo, pp, 
102. Cleveland, Ohio, 1881. 

This genealogy, the edition of which is limited 
to one hundred copies, is of a New York family. 
The origin of the name of Varian is uncertain, 
but supposed by the author to be Norman. 
In his argument to show this derivation, Mr. 
Briggs pleasantly regrets any association with 
this race to whom he devotes a chapter, closing 
with the paragraph that the early Norman was 
not a " pleasant person to do business with." In 
France and Canada the name takes the form 
of Varin or Varrin. In Ireland it became Varian. 
Isaac, the first of the name in the United States, 
appears as a butcher in the Old Slip Market, in 
the city of New York in 1720. His descendant 
in the fifth generation, Isaac L. Varian, was 
Mayor of the same city, 1839 to 1840. This 
volume is illustrated with portraits, a view of 
the Varian House, and a plan of the farm, the 
buttonwood tree on which was at one time a city 
landmark. It stood on the sidewalk, between 
Twenty-sixth and Twenty-seventh Streets, on the 
west side of Broadway. 

miral, U. S. Navy. By George Henry 
Preble, U.S.N. 8vo, pp. 20. Printed for pri- 
vate distribution. Boston, 1882. 

Henry Knox Thatcher, the grandson of General 
Knox, of the Artillery of the Revolution, was born 
inThomaston, Maine, in 1806, the year of the Gen- 
eral's death. Educated at Boston, he was admit- 
ted to West Point as a cadet in 1822. Resigning 

because of ill-health in 1823, he received an ap- 
pointment as midshipman in the Navy the same 
year. He served with Hull on the United States. 
with Crane on the Delaware, and later on the 
Independence, on Boston Station. In 1S31 he 
was acting master of the sloop-of-war Erie, under 
Captain Rousseau, and in 1834 on the Falmouth, 
under the same officer. In 1840-41 he was at- 
tached to the Brandy wine. In 1848 he was on 
the sloop-of-war Jamestown f with Bolton, on 
the coast of Africa. In 1857, after long shore- 
duty, he was promoted commander and assigned 
to the sloop-of-war Decatur. In 1862, while 
commanding the Constellation, on special service 
in the Mediterranean, he was promoted commo- 
dore ; anxious for more active service, he was 
ordered to the command of the screw steam frig- 
ate Colorado in 1863, and in 1864 commanded 
the first division of Porter's fleet in the attack on 
and capture of Fort Fisher, where he displayed 
the greatest gallantry. After this victory he was 
appointed Acting Rear- Admiral, and ordered to 
succeed Farragut in the command of the West 
Gulf Squadron. From this he passed to the com- 
mand of the North Pacific Squadron in 1S68, 
and hoisted his flag on the U. S. steam ship 
Pensacola. In July, 1866, he was promoted 
rear-admiral by seniority, and in 1868, having 
completed his sixty-second year of age, and forty- 
five years of service, he was placed on the retired 
list. In 1869 he served as Port Admiral at Ports- 
mouth, and held the office until it was abolished 
in 1871. He died in April, 1880, in the seventy- 
fourth year of his age. A general order an- 
nounced his eminent services, and directed suitable 
honors to his memory. 

the Peabody Education Fund, 1S74-1S81. 
Printed by order of the Trustees. Vol. II. 
8vo, pp. 441. John Wilson & Son, Univer- 
sity Press. Boston, 1881. 
The first volume of thCse proceedings was pub- 
lished in 1875. T* ie present volume contains the 
history of the Trust, with all the records for the 
seven years which have since elapsed. It contains 
a mass of information as to the educational condi- 
tion of the Southern States. 

with an account of Fra Girolamo Savona- 
rola, the Friar of Florence. By William 
Dinwiddie. i6mo, pp. 381. Robert Car- 
ter & Brothers. 

The fifteenth century was the dawn of that day 
of enlightenment and progress which ushered 
upon the world a new era. Spiritual and intellec- 
tual forces were then, and not always silently, at 
work, which afterward convulsed Europe and 



changed the currents of civil and ecclesiastical 

The time had almost come when a voice was 
to be raised at the power and pretensions of the 
Roman Hierarchy, which would echo down suc- 
ceeding centuries as the rallying cry of humanity 
in its ceaseless strife against spiritual usurpation. 
A succession of Popes had sat in the chair of St. 
Peter, whose corruption, licentiousness, and 
crimes were so monstrous as to make it seem 
that their presence was as a warning of God 
against Babylon. 

Huss and Jerome died in the flames of martyr- 
dom ; John Ziska gathered armies to enforce his 
protest against the tyranny of the priests ; change 
was as necessary as it was imminent. The period 
of the Renaissance, when science, literature, and 
art took a fresh start, contributed greatly to the 
emancipation of the human mind from the bonds 
of ignorance and superstition in which it had so 
long lain. The invention of printing made books 
and knowledge not the monopoly of the wealthy 
few, but put it in the power of the poor and 
lowly to stand on the same plane with the great 
ones of earth ; at first it contributed chiefly to 
the spread of classical literature, nothing else 
being thought worthy by the diltetanti of Flor- 
ence, the seat of learning under the Medicis, 
father and son, who acquired and held supreme 
power in what had been the Florentine Repub- 
lic. Florence under their rule was the home of 
all that was noble in literature, refined in art, 
the chosen resort of the learned, and the refuge 
of the Greeks, driven from their homes by the 
Turks, and the most prosperous commercial 
community of that day. Lorenzo the Magnifi- 
cent had exchanged the revenues of a merchant 
for the revenues of the State, and expended 
them with a lavish hand. Although he regarded 
religion with well-bred contempt, he considered 
it a good thing for the common people. In this 
spirit of condescension he procured one son to be 
made an abbot, and another, at the age of four- 
teen, a cardinal — afterward Pope Leo X. He 
also built a convent, and thither came, in the year 
1497, the monk Girolamo Savonarola, who after- 
ward made Florence his place of residence ; there 
by precept, example, faith, prayer, and good 
works, he held his light before men ; there for a 
space he ruled ; and there at last he died on 
the scaffold, a victim of political hate, priestly 
persecution, and the perfidy of the Pope, and 
bearing a name which, as reformer and martyr, 
will be remembered with reverence long after 
those of his enemies shall have faded into the mists 
of historical oblivion, only to be recalled by rea- 
son of their association with him. 

Savonarola was the third son of Nicholas, who 
married Helen of the Mantuan family of Buon- 
accorsi. He was educated until his tenth year 
by his paternal grandfather, Michael, a physician 
and man of science, greatly favored by Nicholas 

III., Marquis of Este. Little is said by biogra- 
phers of his mother, but from his letters to her in 
after-life it may be gathered that she possessed 
those qualities of mind and heart — a sound and 
penetrating judgment — fitted to cause even such 
a man as her son to fall back upon her for sup- 
port and comfort in the struggles and depressions 
of spirit consequent upon his career. He was 
intended by his family for the medical profession ; 
but what he felt to be an inward call from God 
caused him to abandon his home and enrol him- 
self in a Dominican monastery, where, seven years 
afterward, he took the vows of the order. The 
fame of his learning caused his superiors to appoint 
hirn instructor in philosophy to the novices ; sub- 
sequently he preached to the fraternity and in his 
native town of Ferrara, but without making any 

In 1482 he was sent to Florence, and was dom- 
iciled in the convent of San Marco ; here a sec- 
ond attempt at preaching failed. Not discouraged, 
he bided his time, and in i486, at Brescia, deliv- 
ered a series of sermons which attracted wide at- 
tention, and brought him to the notice of Lorenzo 
the Magnificent, at whose invitation he became a 
resident of Florence. Here he again entered the 
pulpit, and such was the power of his discourses 
that the whole city was moved by his denuncia- 
tion of the wickedness of the time and the cer- 
tainty of Divine judgment in the near future. 
Thus was opened the career which, as he pre- 
dicted, lasted for eight years and closed on the 
scaffold. Although made prior of San Marco, he 
refused to do homage to Lorenzo, nor is there 
any evidence that they ever met, save when on 
his death-bed the prince sent for the monk and 
asked absolution, which was not given because 
the prince declined to restore to Florence her 

The invasion of Italy, by Charles VIII. of 
France, brought the great monk into promi- 
nence as an ambassador, and he addressed the 
king after the manner of the prophets of old, 
causing him to yield in superstitious awe to his 
demands. Relieved of the French and of Pietro 
Medici, son of Lorenzo, Florence was once more 
free, and Savonarola appeared in the light of a 
political reformer, with such power and effect, 
that for a time, at least, the city seemed purged 
of evil and evil-doers; but it was this very course 
— the efforts he ceaselessly made to cleanse the 
Church and the body politic, and his partial suc- 
cess in so doing — which raised up against him a 
host of enemies. These at length, by intrigue, 
by appeal to the pope — who wished the spoil of 
Florence for his bastard monster, Caesar Borgia — 
and by violence, brought him before a tribunal 
on a charge of heresy. Before the trial began 
the death-warrant was in the hands of one of his 
judges, and on the 23d day of May, 1498, in the 
presence of the fickle people for whom he had 
given his life, the smoke of his burning went up 



to heaven as a testimony. The prophet was gone, 
the woes that he had denounced fell upon Flor- 
ence and on Italy. For nearly four hundred years 
after his death the land lay prostrate under the 
foot of an alien enemy, its liberties extinguished, 
its nationality a mockery, until the doctrine of a 
Free Church in a Free State finally prevailed, and 
Italy ayain became one of the powers of the earth. 
No one interested in the history of humanity, as 
presented in this little-known phase of develop- 
ment can fail to be charmed with the dignity and 
force with which it is presented in this volume. 
W. Carey Smith 

Chronicle of Ascendance. A Tale of the 
Days of St. Dunstan. By Rev. A. D. Crake. 
i6mo, pp. 245. Pott, Young & Co. New 
York, 1880. 

Under the guise of fiction, the writer presents 
in an attractive form the history of the unfortu- 
nate young King Edwy, called by reason of hio 
beauty of person the Fair, and of his unfortunate 
wife, Elgira, and the fact that Dunstan, the 
monk, whose fantastic interviews and unceremo- 
nious treatment of the devil who often tormented 
him, had in bringing about the rebellion against 
the king, and his divorce from his wife. The fate 
of the queen is left in doubt, but the author dis- 
misses as untrue the early legends of her tragic 
fate. The book is attractive in its method of 
treatment, and full of information of the period 
to which it relates. 

W. Cary Smith. 


History of the Campaign for the Con- 
quest of Canada in 1776, from the Death of 
Montgomery to the Retreat of the British Army 
under Sir Guy Carleton. By Charles Henry 
Jones. 8vo. Porter & Coates, Philadelphia, 

Young Folks' History of Boston. By Heze- 
kiah Butterworth. Illustrated. i2mo. D. La- 
throp&Co., Boston, 1881. 

Abraham Lincoln : His Life and Public Ser- 
, vices. By Phebe A. Hannaford. 8vo. D. 
Lathrop & Co., Boston. [1881.] 

All Aboard for Sunrise Lands. A trip 
through California, across the Pacific to Japan. 
China, and Australia. By Edward A. Rand, 
Illustrated. Second Edition. Small 4to. D. 
Lathrop & Co., Boston. [1881.] 

Documents Relating to the History and 
Settlements of the Towns Along the 
Hudson and Mohawk Rivers with the ex- 
ception of Albany), from 1630 to 1684, and 
also illustrating the relations of the settlers 
with the Indians. Translated, compiled, and 
edited from the original records in the Office of 
the Secretary of State at Albany, under the 
direction of the Hon. Joseph B. Carr. By B. 
Fernow. 4to. Weed, Parsons & Co., Albany, 

Commercial Relations of the United 
States. Reports from the Consuls of the 
U. S. on the Commerce, Manufactures, etc., 
of the Consular Districts. No. 13, Nov., 1881. 
8vo, pamphlet. Government Printing Office, 
Washington, 1881. 

Reminiscences of the Early Life of Elihu 
Burritt. By William H. Lee (from the 
N. Y. Genealogical and Biographical Record, 
July, 1881). 8vo, pamphlet. Trow's Print- 
ing and Bookbinding Co., New York, 1881. 

A Short Discourse at the Funeral of 
Mary Avery Harris, Groton, Conn., Feb. 
4, 1 88 1. By Rev. Jared R. Avery. i2mo, 

Proceedings of the Massachusetts Histor- 
ical Society for September, 1881. 8vo, 

A Sketoh of the Life of Thomas Donald- 
son. By George William Brown. 8vo, pam- 
phlet. Cushings & Bailey, Baltimore, 1881. 

Oration on the Hundredth Anniversary 
of the Surrender of LordCornwallis to 
the combined forces of America and France at 
Yorktown, Va., October 19, 1781. Delivered 
at Yorktown, October 19, 1881, by Robert C. 
Winthrop, LL.D. 8vo, pamphlet. Little, 
Browne & Co., Boston, 1881. 

Harper's Popular Cyclopedia of United 
States History, from the Aboriginal Period 
to 1876. Containing brief sketches of impor- 
tant events and conspicuous actors. By Benson 
J. Lossing. Illustrated. 2 vols. 8vo. Harper 
& Brothers, New York, 1881. 

The Memorial History of Boston, including 
Suffolk County, Mass., 1630-18S0. Edited by 
Justin Winsor. In four vols. Vol. III. The 
Revolutionary Period. The Last Hundred 
years. Part I. Issued under the business 
superintendence of the projector. Clarence F. 
Jewett. 4to. James R. Osgood & Co., Bos- 
ton. 1881. 



Collections of the Maine Historical So- 
ciety. Vol. VIII. 8vo. Hoyt, Fogg & Dur- 
ham, Portland, 1881. 

Campaigns of the Civil War. I. The Out- 
break of the Rebellion. By John G. Nicolay, 
i2tno. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 

II. From Fort Henry to Corinth. By 

M. F. Force. i2mo. Charles Scrib- 
ner's Sons, New York, 1881. 

III. The Peninsula. McClellan's Cam- 

paign. By Alexander S. Webb, 
LL.D. i2mo. Charles Scribner's 
Sons, New York, 1881. 

IV. The Army under Pope. By John 

Codman Ropes. i2mo. Charles 
Scribner's Sons, New York, 1881. 

Massachusetts in the Woman Suffrage 
Movement. 1774 to 1881. By Harriet H. 
Robertson. i6mo. Roberts Brothers, Bos- 
ton, 1 88 1. 

The Constitutional and Political History 
of the United States. By Dr. H. von 
Hoist. Translated from the German by John 
J. Lalor and Paul Shorey. 1846- 1850. An- 
nexation of Texas — Compromise of 1850. 8vo. 
Callaghan & Co., Chicago, 1881. 

In the Brush ; or, Old Time Social, Political, 
and Religious Life in the Southwest. By Rev. 
Hamilton W. Pierson, D.D. With illustra- 
tions. i2mo. D. Apple .on & Co., New York, 

Sketch of Edward Coles, Second Governor 
of Illinois, and of the Slavery Struggle of 
1823-4. By E. B. Washburne. 8vo. Jan- 
sen, McClurgh & Co., Chicago, 1882. 

Banquet Given by the Chamber of Com- 
merce of the State of New York in 
Honor of the Guests of the Nation to the Cen- 
tennial Celebration of the Victory at York- 
town, Nov. 5, 1881. 8vo. Press of the Cham- 
ber, New York, 188 1. 

Handbook of Wood Engraving. By William 
A. Emerson. Illustrated. New Edition. 
i6mo. Lee & Shepard, Boston, 1881. 

Governor Bradford's Manuscript History 
of Plymouth Plantation, and its transmis- 
sion to our times. By Justin Winsor. Pri- 
vate Edition. 8vo. John Wilson & Sons, 
Boston, 1881. 

In Memortam. William E. Dubois. 4to. Pri- 
vately Printed. Philadelphia, 1881. 

Notes on the Ancestry of Major William 
Roe Van Voorhis, of Fishkill, Duchess Co., 
N. Y. By his Grandson, Elias W. Van Voor- 
his. 8vo. Privately Printed. New York, 1881. 

Chicago Antiquities. Embellished with 
Views, Portraits, Autographs, etc. By Henry 
H. Hurlbut. 8vo. Fergus Printing Co., Chi- 
cago, 1 88 1. 

Proceedings on the Occasion of the Cen- 
tennial Celebration of the Occupation 
of Valley Forge by the Continental 
Army under George Washington, June 19, 
1878 ; also Dedication of Headquarters, June 
19, 1879, with Appendix. 8vo. J. B. Lippin- 
cott & Co., Philadelphia, 1879. 

Materials toward a Genealogy of the 
Emmerton Family. Compiled by James A. 
Emmerton, M.D. 8vo. Privately printed. 
Salem Press, 1881. 

Letter from Secretary of State, transmit- 
ting a report of Theodore F. Dwight on the 
papers of Benjamin Franklin, offered for sale 
by Henry Stevens, and recommending their 
purchase by Congress. Senate, Forty-seventh 
Congress, First Session, Misc. Doc. No. 21. 
8vo, pamphlet. [Washington, 1881]. 

Sketch of Henry Knox Fletcher, Rear- 
Admiral U. S. Navy. By George Henry Preble, 
U.SN. Reprinted from the New England 
Historical and Genealogical Register. Jan., 
1882. 8vo, pamphlet. Privately printed. 
David Clapp & Son, Boston, 1882. 

Yorktown : A Compendious Account of the 
Campaign of the Allied French and 
American Forces, Resulting in the Sur- 
render of Cornwallis and the Close of the 
American Revolution, etc. By Jacob Harris 
Patton. Illustrated. 8vo, pamphlet. Fords, 
Howard & Hurlbert, New York, 1882. 

Observations on Cup-Shaped and Other 
Lapidarian Sculptures in the Old World 
and in America. By Charles Rau, Depart- 
ment of the Interior. U. S. Geographical and 
Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain 
Region, J. W. Powell in charge. (From Con- 
tributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. 
V). 4to. Government Printing Office, Wash- 
ington, 1 88 1. 

William B. Ogden and Early Days in 
Chicago. A paper read before the Chicago 
Historical Society, Dec. 20, 1881. By Hon. 
Isaac N. Arnold. 8vo, pamphlet. Fergus 
Printing Co., Chicago, 1881. 




Vol. VIII FEBRUARY 1882 No. 2 


HISTORIC truth often contains elements stranger and more dramatic 
than fiction, yet writers of romance incline to fling their opportuni- 
ties away. Motley did this, when dealing with the character of 
Thomas Morton, in his maiden effort called "Merry Mount; " while Haw- 
thorne, in his " Twice Told Tales," was still more heedless of the true value 
of the same theme. These attractive writers, therefore, have made the 
general reader familiar with Morton's name, but little more. Prompted by 
a vague, and as yet undeveloped historic instinct, Motley offered a half 
apology for the doubtful character of his performance, but the reader 
searches in vain on the page of Hawthorne for some proper indication, that 
the picture of Morton is not the offspring of an imagination every way 
weird, morbid, and grotesque. Who, therefore, was Morton of Merry 
Mount, that he should present such an aspect in early New England history ? 
Thomas Morton was a London lawyer, who, about the year 1622, estab- 
lished himself upon Mount Wollaston, or " Merry Mount," an eminence in 
the present town of Ouincy, overlooking Massachusetts Bay, being twice 
sent back to England, whence he finally returned to be cast into prison and 
die. Yet this statement is too brief. Let us, then, go back to Morton's 
cotemporaries, though in examining some historical writers we shall find 
their statements as unreliable as the unqualified romance. It is, therefore, 
necessary to hear what such men as Bradford have to say, as the grim Gov- 
ernor of Plymouth, after declaring that Morton obtained Mount Wollaston 
by violence and fraud, alleges that he fell into a licentious life, " powering 
out into all profaneness." According to this magnate, " Morton became the 
lord of misrule, and maintained (as it were) a Schoole of Athisme." He 
and his friends were also guilty both of i( quaffing" and " drinking" wine 
and strong waters in " great exsess." One gossip reported the quantity to 
be ten shillings worth "in a morning." They also set up a "May-pole." 
Probably Morton did not know the signification of the May-pole, but he 
and his men fell to " dancing aboute " it all the same, and not once only, but 


for " many days togeather ; " also " inviting the Indean women for their con- 
sorts, dancing and frisking together (like so many fairies, or furies rather), 
and," the virtuous old chronicler solemnly adds, " worse practices." What 
these " practices" were, the Governor does not disclose, though they must 
have been very bad, coming, as they did, after the May-pole. Still he gives 
a hint, and says, that it was " as if they had anew revived and celebrated 
the feasts of y e Roman Goddes Flora, or the beastly practices of y e madd 
Bachanalians." Yet even this was not the worst, for this Morton of Merry 
Mount presumed to write " poetrie," even verses that tended to " lasciv- 
iousness," and to "destruction and scandall." They " chainged allso the 
name of their place, " and, instead of Mount Wollaston, called it " Merie 
mounte, as if the jolity would have lasted ever." This state of things 
continued until Endicott visited "those partes," when he cut the May-pole 
down, and admonished them to see that there was "better walking." 1 
Similar language might be quoted from other old writers, who, with modern 
historians, have put Morton and his friends before the public in a false light. 
Even one who left Morton's character better than he found it, and evidently 
wrote without prejudice, speaks of him as probably wholly devoid of prin- 
ciple. 2 Thomas Morton forms one of the most picturesque yet least under- 
stood characters in early New England history. It has been considered 
well-nigh a proof of loyalty to treat his memory with scorn. 

Of Morton's history prior to his arrival in New England, little is known. 
Upon the title-page of his book, he describes himself as of " Clifford's Inn, 
Gent." Bradford says, that he " had been a kind of petie-fogger of Furni- 
fell's Inn." Dudley adds, that he "had beene an Attorney in the Weste 
Countreyes." On this point Morton volunteers no information, but Maver- 
ick speaks of him as a "gentleman of good qualitie." Morton begins the 
account of his proceedings by saying that, in the month of June, Anno 
Salutis, 1622, it was "my chaunce to arrive in the parts of New England, 
with 30 Servants, and provisions of all sorts fit for a plantation " (p. 59). 
He may have come with Weston's colony in the Charity. It is clear enough 
that Morton was in New England at Michaelmas, 1622. 

In 1625 Wollaston came to Massachusetts with thirty men. This indi- 
vidual is described by Bradford as " a man of pretie parts," and possessed 
of an abundance of the supplies required to establish a colony. He also 
says that when Wollaston went to Virginia he left one Fitcher as his deputy, 
whom Morton overcame with drink, and then persuaded the servants to 
rebel. The falsity of this story, however, lies upon its face. Such an act 
must inevitably have become the subject of proceedings. The fact that no 
proceedings were hinted at by those who employed every pretext for an- 


noying the master of Merry Mount, shows that the act complained of never 
took place, and that Morton was first on the ground at Wollaston, while Mr. 
Adams, who has generously exonerated him from some charges, admits 
that Wollaston "had neither charter nor grant of land," while Bradford 
allows that Morton had an " interest " in the enterprise. The story of 
Bradford may, therefore, be left to take care of itself, though, before pass- 
ing from the subject, it will be proper to state what does not appear to 
have been recognized by any writer heretofore, namely, that Morton actu- 
ally had a patent. No early writer utters a syllable which indicates that 
Morton's right to the soil was questioned. His settlement was commenced 
at a place known by the Indians as " Passonagesset," which was changed 
to " Mount Wollaston," and afterward by Morton to " Ma-re Mount," in- 
tended for " Merry Mount," though, to the ear, it might suggest the Latin 
of the Mount by the Sea. Here on this beautiful elevation, amid scenes 
that lifted the mind up " from Nature to Nature's God," Thomas Morton, 
the London lawyer, we are told, set up "as it were," a " Schoole of 
Athisme." But what kind of atheism was taught? The reader may judge, 
from the fact that the text-books used were the Bible and Common Prayer. 
Speaking of himself, Morton writes : " Our Master [of Ma-re-Mount] say 
they, reades the Bible and the Word of God, and useth the booke of Com- 
mon Prayer." 3 Nevertheless we are told that he set upa" Schoole of 
Athisme." It is undeniable that Morton became an object of aversion largely 
for the reason that he used the Prayer Book. The answer to Bradford and 
all those who have fallen into the notion that Morton was a Bohemian, with- 
out law or morals, and believing in nothing, is found in Morton's own work, 
a book denounced the most severely by those who know it best by its 
back. Let us therefore glance at " The New English Canaan," a quaint 
little quarto, forming a bibliographical nut that librarians have long essayed 
to crack. 4 

The "New English Canaan " is divided into three books, the first and 
second of which describe the country and the aborigines, while the third is 
devoted to Morton's connection with the men of Plymouth and Boston. 
At the end of the second book is an Epilogue, " New Canaan's Genius," 
which may show that originally his intention was to end there. This Epi- 
logue finds New Canaan's genius in Lake Champlain, and probably forms 
the earliest existing example of lake poetry in connection with America. 
Morton saw that great commercial advantages might be derived from 

" Th' admired Lake of Erocoise." 

" New English Canaan," upon the whole, is a remarkable work to proceed 
from a " Madd Bachanalian." With reference to the author's style, it may 


be admitted that the work belongs to Morton's age rather than to ours. If 
he had lived in the present day, Morton might have been an admirer of 
Swinburne. There are several phrases that could have been left out, but 
no one who has the perseverance to go through the book will be offended, 
unless a prude. Yet the book is not disfigured by the coarseness of Shaks- 
peare, and the reader who is sufficiently well grounded in the history of the 
period to comprehend the third part, may enjoy a hearty laugh. Morton 
was indeed too rude, and was unmercifully severe. This is easily recog- 
nized by the reader who to-day is smarting under no terrible wrong. Yet 
there is something besides sarcasm in the " New English Canaan." The 
first and second books show the groundwork of Morton's character, while 
his enemies knew him only by the exterior of his life. They were unfitted 
to appreciate his best qualities, even as Morton failed to recognize what 
was superior in them, not distinguishing between deep religiousness and the 
surface deposit of grotesque, selfish fanaticism obscuring that wealth of 
character which the impartial student is ready to recognize and admire. 

The language of the book may be obscure, but Morton's cotemporaries 
understood it, and writhed under it ; while, respecting his verses, it may be 
said that poorer lines have been praised. Of Morton's fancy the reader can 
judge from the quaint pictures scattered on his pages. 

In turning over the leaves of the " New English Canaan," which recounts 
the story of wilderness life, the mind reverts to " As You Like It," a play 
laid amid forest scenes. Though .Morton did not, with the banished Duke 
in the Forest of Arden, essay the role of Robin Hood, the proprietor of 
Passonagessit, at least, had " merry men with him." Whoever visits Merry 
Mount to-day, will search in vain for any primeval forest, but around the 
open hill-top there once spread a little Arcadia, wherein, breathing the free 
air of the forest, Morton and his companions made labor light, while festi- 
val and song often attended the passing hour. There was doubtless method 
in what Bradford called madness, and if all the circumstances of the case 
were known, we might, possibly, esteem Morton wise. Whoever reads the 
history of colonization often comes face to face with men dying on foreign 
shores of mere ennui and homesickness, the wilderness being depressing, 
and life shorn of all zest. 

Morton may have found an example of cheerfulness thought quite 
worthy of imitation on the page of " Nouvelle France" a work which ap- 
peared in 1609, from the pen of one who was a lawyer like himself. This 
work was written by the witty Parisian advocate, Mark Lescarbot. The 
two lawyers were of different religions, but they possessed many tastes in 
common, though Lescarbot, in the community at Port Royal, in 1606-7, had 


none of those sad conflicts which led Morton to dip his pen in gall. Mor- 
ton and Lescarbot were both fond of jests ; both wrote poetry, or at least, 
verses ; and, as laymen, conducted religious services ; while both believed 
in good fellowship and lofty cheer. These two men, fighting hardship and 
privation in the wilderness, had the highest of all authority for trying to 
make life cheerful. It is very reasonable to suppose, therefore, that Mor- 
ton had read Lescarbot's " New France." If so, he would have discovered 
that his brother at Port Royal was a prominent member of the order of 
"Bon Temps." In the French u Acadie," poesy added to the glory of a 
cuisine worthy, at least in its aims, of the famous Parisian restaurant in the 
Rue aux Ours. 

Lescarbot called the country "New France," but Morton styled it the 
"New Canaan." Morton found in New England "a kind of paralell " to 
the "Canaan of Israel," because it lay along the sea; and Champlain's 
Lake of the Iroquois he called Gennesaret. The object of these two lawyers 
was to overcome hardship by giving to wilderness life all the animation and 
cheerfulness possible. Morton has been stigmatized as a bad man, yet a 
man of his tastes, possessing as he did such reverence for nature, and such 
a deep sympathy with all her moods, could not be thoroughly bad. 

The opening of Morton's work sounds like some ancient hymn of praise, 
recognizing as he does "the wise Creator of the universal Globe," using 
such language as " the secret wisdom of Almighty God," and demonstrat- 
ing, by appeals to the beauties of nature that lay around Merry Mount, 
" the wondrous wisdome and love of God ! " (page 11). Yet Bradford is so 
carried away by passion as to declare that he set up a school of atheism, 
and actually wrote a book full of profane calumnies "against ye ways of 
God." Bradford is unworthy of truet where the " Sachem of Passonages- 
set " is concerned. 

Morton indeed formed a composite character, but even in his jesting, 
which was not convenient, he appears to have had an object in view. Like 
Jaques, in the Forest of Arden, he said to himself: 

"I must have liberty 
Withal, as large a charter as the wind 
To blow on whom I please!" 

Yet, like that eccentric individual, it would also appear that he proposed to 

11 Cleanse the foul body of the infected world," 

if it would patiently receive his medicine. 

Morton was a keen sportsman, but in this, as in other respects, he was 
guided by the utilities. He pursued the chase with no idle mind. He 


knew the beasts and birds. He hunted the beaver, and understood his 
ways from the Blue Hills to the banks of the Kennebec. He had scarcely- 
landed when his practised eye told him he could make merchandise of the 
hawks that, like Shakspeare's crows and choughs at Dover, midway cleaved 
the clear, crisp air, one sup of which, in New England, some of the visitors 
thought, was better than a barrel of Old England's beer. He writes : " At 
my first arrival in those parts [I] practised to take a lannaret, which I re- 
claimed, trained, and made flying in a fortnight, the same being a passen- 
ger at Michaelmas." Motley, in his " Merry Mount," enjoys this phase of 
Morton's life ; but it was, after all, less a pastime than the novelist sup- 
posed. The practical character of the man excited deep envy among his 
less skilful neighbors. However much they may have condemned his 
mirthfulness, they never wrote a line to suggest that he was indolent, as he 
should have been had other charges proved true. He was not slothful, like 
the man condemned by the wise king, because he failed to roast that 
which he took in hunting. They saw that he was a diligent man, whose 
substance daily grew. In fact, those solemn magnates who ruled the Bay 
were terribly annoyed by the sight of free living joined to prosperity ; yet 
this man, who, according to their account, did nothing but drink and 
carouse, went on piling his storehouse with beaver. 

In training the hawks, Morton looked sharply to the profits. As early 
as 1503, Henry VII. records this item of the privy purse: "To one that 
brought hawks from the Newfound Island, £1." In 1609 Richard Gyfford 
was licensed to import hawks into England from America. Again, as it 
appears from the Colonial Manuscripts, that, in 1635, the Massachusetts 
hawks were highly prized. The Council for New England presented the 
king with some specimens brought to London by one Captain Smart, while 
the bringer was recommended for promotion. The eagle is the royal bird, 
as Motley causes Morton to explain ; yet Charles I. considered a New 
England hawk fit for a king, little dreaming, perhaps, that a bird of another 
feather, in the person of Peters, the regicide, was then in New England, pre- 
paring to stoop and find a quarry in his own royal person. 

Of the precise order of events at Merry Mount it may be impossible to 
speak, as Morton does not deal in dates. It is nevertheless certain that he 
was arrested and banished twice. Ostensibly, the first arrest was based 
upon the charge of selling firearms to the Indians ; but, realizing that the 
charge was too feeble, they claimed that he intended to send to England 
for more. Morton, being a lawyer, replied that the proclamation respecting 
firearms was not a law ; further, he was not subject to the jurisdiction of his 
opponents. In defiance of the law, they resolved to get rid of him. Her- 


bert Spencer says that the "abject submission of the weak to the strong, 
however unscrupulously enforced, has in some times and places been neces- 
sary," and the principle underlying this dictum has been pleaded, saying that 
self-preservation is the first law of nature, and that, being endangered by 
Morton, his enemies had a right to proceed in the absence, and even in 
defiance, of the law. The truth is that they were in no danger, and that 
they did not and could not prove their charge. As the Colonial Manu- 
scripts show, the harm was done and the proclamation was issued before 
Morton arrived in New England. At the most, he could not have disposed 
of more than half a dozen guns. Bradford simply makes himself ridiculous. 
Lamenting that Morton initiated the red men into so many useful arts, he 
says : " Could they attaine to make saltpeter they would teach them to 
make powder. O the horiblnes of this vilanie ! " 

This charge was a cover for something else. Their opposition was based 
upon the fact that he was " a maine enemy of theire Church and State," 
which he had a right to be ; therefore every opportunity was improved, and, 
therefore, his May-pole was cut down. This pole, eighty feet high, and sur- 
mounted by a pair of antlers, had been planted with the aid of the Indians 
and his friends. Here he had kept the revels in good old English style, 
showing suitable hospitality to all comers. This alone was enough for 
Bradford, who, on Christmas Day, 162 1, had put a stop to the athletic 
sports and innocent games inaugurated at Plymouth. At Merry Mount 
they may or may not have indulged to excess. It was no concern of Brad- 
ford's, if they did. There may have been bad fellows in the company, yet 
we hear of none who fought duels, indulged in the horrible profanity re- 
buked by Bradford, nor of any who, for thieving, were " well whipt," like 
those who came under the lash at Plymouth. Of the people of Merry Mount 
he knew little, except by the reports of paid spies, who abused the hospi- 
tality of the merry Sachem of Passonagesset. Nevertheless, it was resolved 
that the industrious and enterprising Morton, who was fast monopolizing 
the trade in beaver, ' ' must go. " Accordingly the Plymotheans sent doughty 
Miles Standish to make the arrest. Standish pounced upon his victim at 
Weymouth, where he happened to be making a visit ; but in the night, 
while Standish and his men were drowsy with drink, he managed to escape. 
During a severe thunderstorm, he made his way back to Merry Mount. 
Thither he was pursued by nine armed men, under the diminutive Standish, 
designated by Morton as "Captain Shrimp," and, through the window of 
his stronghold, a treaty was made, in accordance with which Morton sur- 
rendered. The latter makes "Shrimp" appear as ridiculous as possible, 
while Bradford employs the account of some '* swashbuckler," representing 


mine host of the Mount in his own fashion, and says that one of his men 
was "so drunke y 1 he rane his own nose upon y e point of a sword y* one 
held before him as he entred y e house." According to the same chronicler, 
Morton had filled his carbine half full of powder and shot, being determined 
on desperate deeds ; while Captain Shrimp, described as one of those 
little chimneys easily fired, threatened to shoot his captive with a pistol. 

From the Mount Morton was taken on board a shallop, and conveyed to 
the " inchaunted Castle at Plymouth," being afterward carried to the Isles 
of Shoals. There he was left in the winter, thinly clad, being relieved 
by the Indians, who provided for his wants, and brought bottles of" strong 
liquor," such as Plymotheans, even, under the name of " aqua vitae," loved 
unwisely and too well. Morton concludes the account by saying, thus 
" full of humanity are these infidels before these Christians." 

After much difficulty, a captain was found to take him to England, 
where, notwithstanding the fact that the Plymouth purse was at the disposal 
of the prosecutor, no attorney could be found to risk his reputation by un- 
dertaking a suit. He had used the Book of Common Prayer, and had 
scored his enemies with his tongue, but in England these things were not 
crimes. No one, therefore, was found to interfere with Morton. The 
charge to which he was really open was that of indiscretion. He knew the 
opinions and the temper of the men against whom he levelled his stinging 
satires, and should have been cautious. 

All proceedings having failed, he returned the next year to New Eng- 
land. To the infinite scandal of Bradford, he landed at Plymouth. What 
made it worse, he came out with the Plymouth agent, the highly respected 
Mr. Allerton, thus refuting the charge of Bradford, that Morton was de- 
spised by "ye meanest servants." The men of Plymouth, too, knew the 
groundlessness of their old charges, and did not venture to rearrest him. 
Bradford complains that Allerton brought Morton to " ye towne, as it were, 
to nose them." This does not appear to be an unreasonable view of the 
question. They had violated every principle of law, and deserved to be 
" nosed." But Allerton was just. He knew Morton's rights, and felt 
bound to respect them. He accordingly entertained him in his own house, 
as his secretary, and utilized his literary talents. Finally, however, the op- 
position of his neighbors was more than he could support, and Bradford 
gleefully remarks, that Allerton was obliged '• to pack him away," where- 
upon Morton " wente to his olde neste in y e Massachusetts." This " nest " 
he held by patent, and no one at that time interfered with his rights. If Mor- 
ton had been discreet, he might have passed his life there. Quincy was 
the Ultima Thule y and Morton was a remote barbarian, who had nothing to 


do but to hold his tongue. That, however, he did not do, and, as the 
result, he was called upon by Endicott to sign certain articles, the tenor of 
which was that, in ecclesiastical and political matters, the people should fol- 
low " the rule of God's word." This aimed at freedom of worship. He re- 
fused to sign, unless he could add the proviso, that nothing should be done 
contrary to the laws of England. Boston, however, was resolved, and ac- 
cordingly they invented the charge of cruelty against the Indians, as well as 
insinuations respecting his treatment of their women, whom, in reality, he 
had sought to instruct in the principles of religion. Indeed, his life had 
been marked by a wise consideration and kindness, and a desire to make 
the red man his friend. He succeeded well. He had entertained them at 
Merry Mount, taught them a superior woodcraft, showed them how to 
hunt, and retained them in his service in a kindly, feudal spirit. He made 
himself so loved, trusted, and popular, that, though near Weymouth, where 
the whites had been massacred, he lived in security, having, like the merry 
men in the Forest of Arden, 

" No enemy but winter 
And rough weather." 

Nevertheless, at Charlestown, September 17, 1630, the court decreed, V that 
Thomas Morton, of Mount Wolliston, shall presently be sett into the bil- 
bowes and after sent prisoner into England by the shipp called the Gifte, 
nowe returning thither ; that all his goods shall be seazed vpon to defray 
the charge of his transportation, payment of his debts, and to give satisfac- 
tion to the Indians for a cannoe he had vnjustly took away from them ; and 
that his howse, after the goods are taken out, shalbe burnt doune to the 
ground in the sight of the Indians for their satisfaction, for many wrongs 
hee hath done them from time to time." 

Morton was skilled in the law, and he stood bravely upon his defence, 
yet the charges, though manufactured, were pressed. That they were 
false is as certain as that they caused Morton's condemnation ; and at this 
late day we have the testimony of Samuel Maverick, one of the most up- 
right, enterprising, and responsible men of Boston, to prove the general 
charge false. He not only testifies that Morton had a patent for his land, 
but that the firing of the gun upon the Indians, not mentioned in the sen- 
tence but charged, was accidental, and that no one was seriously hurt, while 
the Indians lamented when they saw Morton's house in flames. The of- 
fence against the savages consisted in getting their good-will, in sharing his 
food with them, and in dissuading them from the improper use of strong 
drink, assuring them that the aqua vitce they demanded was the exclusive 
" drink of Sachems." If he had been guilty of the charge brought against 


him, he was entitled at least to a fair trial. But his case was decided with- 
out law. Before the court he had no counsel, and when he endeavored to 
speak in his own defence his voice was drowned by the cry, "Hear the 
Governour ! " The government, however, had organized itself into a mob, 
and Morton, viewing the whole procedure with a legal eye, saw that the 
demonstration was nothing more than a "riot." No one would lend an ear 
either to justice or mercy. It was a procedure which no sophistry can de- 
fend. The sentence of the court was executed to the letter. There was 
also a refinement in their cruelty, and Maverick says, that it was ordered that 
Morton should " saile in sight of his howse " and view the conflagration. 

Having thus condemned and punished him without a trial, for a crime 
of which he was innocent, one might suppose that they would rest satisfied. 
But the next step was to order him to England a prisoner. Yet, for what ? 
Bradford says that he was sent in response to a requisition from the Lord 
Chief Justice, to answer for a murder of which he was " vehemently sus- 
pected. " The captain of the Gift, to whom they applied, refused to carry him, 
evidently having not heard of the alleged u warrante " which existed only 
in imagination, otherwise he would not have refused. As it remained, it 
required three months to find a man who would do their work. Morton 
finally sailed on the " Handmaid." 

Mr. Adams, who approved the first prosecution, would go no farther. 
He says, " The charges alleged against him were certainly not of a character 
to justify the extremely harsh sentence inflicted, for they amounted to noth- 
ing more than taking an Indian canoe, and a vague suggestion of other 
offences. Had he continued the illicit trade in firearms after his return, or 
even kept up his may-pole revels, we may feel very sure that emphasis would 
be given to the fact. Nothing of the sort was even intimated." The con- 
clusion, in the words of the writer just quoted, is that " these were high- 
handed acts of unmistakable oppression ; " adding, " the probabilities in the 
case would seem to be that the Massachusetts magistrates had made up 
their minds in advance to drive this man out of Massachusetts." 

In this manner Morton was, nevertheless, treated, and after being well- 
nigh starved on the voyage, he was lodged in Exeter jail ; but there being 
no charge against him, he was set at liberty ; and none of his enemies re- 
peated the base insinuation of Bradford. Morton was more than acquitted. 

The spirit of Morton, therefore, was not yet broken, and in England he 
set himself at work to secure the punishment of his oppressors. Winslow, 
of Plymouth, was then in England, and Morton went so far as to persuade 
Laud to throw him into jail for performing the marriage service in New 
England. It was a mean act, and one unworthy of the generous and hos- 


pitable master of Merry Mount, even though Winslovv had sought to prejudice 
the Privy Council against him. Morton, like his enemies, was human. At 
this period his chief efforts were directed to securing the vacation of the Mas- 
sachusetts charter, the only course, in his opinion, that promised a remedy. 
In 1634, he was so confident of success that he sent Jeffrey that unfortunate 
letter beginning, " My very good gossip," 5 in which he refers to " Annanias 
and his brethren," and saying that the king had declared the patent void. 
Morton already saw Winthrop's ears cropped. Action, nevertheless, was 
delayed, and in 1644 he returned, when he was greeted with a dramatic 
surprise, his letter to Jeffrey being flaunted in his face. In court Mor- 
ton was charged with bringing a complaint before the Council accusing 
the leaders in Massachusetts of treason and rebellion. This Morton de- 
nied, having being summoned by Sir Christopher Gardiner simply as a 
witness. 6 

Finally, Winthrop says Morton had set forth a book against us, and had 
threatened us, and had prosecuted a quo warranto against us." Bradford 
also says that for this book, written against " y e ways of God," and for 
" other things," he was imprisoned at Boston, " being grown old in wicked- 

The institution of proceedings, ten years after the book was published, 
and at a time when the waning power of the king gave them nothing to 
fear, showed a vindictiveness with which Morton, notwithstanding his pre- 
judice, did not credit them. Otherwise he would not have trusted himself 
in their power. But time had not mollified their resentment. Morton, 
however, in the whole business, had simply availed himself of his constitu- 
tional rights as an Englishman. He violated no law in arguing for the va- 
cation of the charter, and was guilty of no misdemeanor in publishing a 
book. The fault was to be found in the fact that the book was tolerably 
true, though disrespectful and needlessly severe. 

Winthrop says that Morton did not deny the authorship of " New Eng- 
lish Canaan," while Maverick says " he confessed not." Being a lawyer, 
and knowing his rights as an accused man, he probably refused to acknowl- 
edge the book as testimony, and threw the burden of proof upon his ene- 
mies, who knew the weakness of their case, and comprehended the fact that, 
whoever may have written the book, neither its composition nor its publica- 
tion constituted a crime. Conscious of this fact, Morton was put in jail, to 
gain time and rake up something else. At all events, they were resolved 
what they would ultimately do, and Mr. Adams admits that " had he been 
as pure as ice and chaste as snow he would not have escaped calumny." It 
is also admitted as being more than probable that in the second prosecution 


" complaints were trumped up " against him. In connection with the third 
arrest, the conduct of the Governor and his associates appears still worse. 
Let Winthrop tell the story. The Governor says: " Having been kept in 
prison about a year, in expectation of further evidence out of England [sic/~\ 9 
he was again called before the court, and after some debate what to do with 
him, he was fined ^"ioo and set at liberty. He was a charge to the country, 
for he had nothing, and we thought not fit to inflict corporal punishment 
upon him, being old and crazy, but thought better to fine him and give 
him his liberty, as if it had been to procure his fine, but indeed to leave 
him opportunity to go out of the jurisdiction, which he did soon after, 
and went to Acomenticus, and living there poor and despised, he died 
within two years after" (II., p. 190). 

Here we have a " crazy " man treated as a felon, and turned out, robbed 
of all that he possessed, to wander away into the wilderness and die. But 
this is not all, for Maverick, in writing to the Earl of Clarendon, after 
reciting that Morton was a gentleman of good quality, who had been 
sent a prisoner to England, not in obedience to any warrant of the Chief 
Justice, but on the false charge of firing intentionally upon the Indians, 
says : " He wrote a book entitled New Canaan, a good description of the 
Cuntery as it then was, only in the end of it he pinched to closely on some 
in authoritie there, for which some yeares after cominge over to looke after 
his land for which he had a patent many yeares before, he found his land 
disposed of and made a towneship, and himself shortly after apprehended, 
put into the goale without fire or beddinge, no bayle to be taken, where 
he remained a very cold winter, nothing laid to his charge but the writing 
of this booke, which he confessed not nor could they prove ; he died 
shortly after, and as he said and many well supposed, on his hard vsage in 
prison." 7 This turns the case into something nearly akin to judicial murder. 

Thus the able, accomplished, and merry-hearted Sachem of Passonages- 
set disappeared under a cloud. Of the closing scenes in his career the ac- 
cessible records afford no description beyond what is found in the two 
writers just quoted. The " Accomenticus " of Winthrop is the " Agamen- 
ticus " of the present day. The name is now affixed to a beautiful green 
hill on the coast of Maine, near Cape Neddock, which salutes the voy- 
ager from afar. In this pleasant region, outside the jurisdiction of Mas- 
sachusetts, this " gentleman of good qualitie " sought an asylum. Winthrop 
says that he was "despised." What was worse, he was "poor," and un- 
able to pay Boston the hundred pounds. If, however, he was not poor, 
the men of the Bay were not to blame ; while if he was not despised, it was 
hardly because they had not employed all their arts to render his appear- 



ance despicable. But there is no proof that he was despised by any except 
his foes. As respects Bradford, he contradicted himself; while, after Mor- 
ton's second banishment, the authorities at home appointed him solicitor in 
connection with the proposed vacation of the charter. 

Morton went to Maine, but, so far as is known, not to be despised. 
Clearly he must have had the possession of his faculties, and in Maine he 
would be free from persecution. In 1641-42 charters were drawn up for a 
city to be called " Agamenticus," Edward Godfrey being designated as 
Mayor. It was to be a prosperous and right cheerful place. Two fairs 
were to be " held or kept " in the Agamenticus " every year forever upon 
the festivals of SS. James and Paul." The good old feasts of " merrie Eng- 
land " were to be celebrated there. Those who cared to frolic around an 
innocent May-pole might freely enjoy the sport ; and there, too, would be 
lawyers, courts being held in " the town hall." The Christmas and Whitsun- 
tide holidays would resound with mirth. Morton, beyond doubt, had heard 
of the proposed city, which promised to be an attorney's paradise ; and 
toward " Agamenticus," then only a " poore village," he dragged his way, 
racked with pain and dying, yet hoping to live. There, he trusted, he 
might find friends. He certainly, however, could not hope for much enjoy- 
ment, but the phantom of Pleasure led the way, and his ruling passion was 
strong. Still, the projected city was not built. It remained as unsubstan- 
tial as the famous " Norumbega," searched for by the French on the Penob- 
scot, and described by early visionaries as having houses with pillars of 
crystal and silver, and roofs resplendent with gold. To-day no affluent com- 
merce seeks the shelter of the silent port, where only a few small craft come 
and go with the lazy lapse of the idle tide. There, in the infant settlement, 
Thomas Morton died. What were his last thoughts and final consolation no 
man, perhaps, can tell. Did he relent respecting his enemies, and, in a peni- 
tential spirit, address to himself some portion of the merciless severity that he 
often poured upon others ? It is impossible to say. It is not unreasonable, 
however, to think that the end of his life may have been in harmony with the 
trustful and reverent beginning of his book ; that the sternness of his resent- 
ment may have been softened by some degree of the charity so consistent 
with his generous heart, and that, as ''Agamenticus" failed, another city, 
M Urbs Zion Mystica," a city with foundations, rose upon his gladdened view. 

To-day the ashes of the Lord of " Merry Mount " rest in some unknown 
spot, under the shadow of "Mount Agamenticus," yet the imperishable 
chronicle will keep his memory alive ; while, when the ideal history of New 
England is written, with an exact analysis of motives, and a supreme fealty 
to truth, doing simple justice alike to Churchman and Nonconformist, Thomas 


Morton will appear, with all his imperfections, yet in his real character and 
true place. B. F. DE COSTA. 

1 Bradford's History. Mass. Coll., S. 4. Vol. III., pp. 236-242. 

2 See the valuable articles of Mr. Adams in the Atlantic Monthly, May and June, 1877. 

3 In referring to this objection against him, he quotes his opponents, who say of the Book, " but 
this is not the meanes ; the answere is : the meanes they crie ; alas, poore soules, where is the 
meanes? how can you be stayed from fallinge headlonge to perdition. Facilis descensus averni : the 
booke of Common Prayer sayd they, what poor thing is that, for a man to read in a booke. . . . 
Give me a man hath the guifts of the Spirit, not a booke in hand." New English Canaan, p. 116. 

4 Morton says that he wrote the book upon ten years' knowledge and experience of the country, 
which would place its composition in 1632-33. It was actually entered for copyright November 18, 
1633. Peter Force reprinted the work in 1838, and his copy bears upon the title-page, " Printed 
by Charles Green. 1632." Yet, since Morton quotes from Wood's New England's Prospect, 
printed in 1634, it has been argued that his work was printed subsequent to Wood's. Possibly, 
however, Morton had seen Wood's manuscript. The copy used by Force in reprinting wants the 
title-page, which he evidently made up from the title as given by Bishop Kenneth (Bibliotheca 
Americana; Primordis, London, 18 17), who, however, says, "Printed for Charles Green." The 
Bishop of Peterborough puts the date in the margin as 1632. Clearly his copy was without a printed 
date. Such is actually the case with the copy in the Library of the Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel, which has the date 1632 written in, while "nowhere else," writes the Secretary, "is there 
a date mark of any kind." The title-page of the Society's copy says, " Printed for Charles Greene, 
and are sold in Paul's Churchyard." 

The edition in possession of the New York Historical Society, says, " Printed at Amsterdam, 
by Jacob Frederick Stam, In the yeare 1637." It is, therefore, clear that two editions of the book 
were printed, and that one was without date, though there is nothing in the edition of 1637, beyond 
the imprint, favoring the theory that this edition, and not that of Green, was printed in Amsterdam. 
Also, if the book was printed in Amsterdam by Stam, why did the printer blunder on the name, 
which, according to the present testimony, should have read "Jan " instead of "Jacob"? Lowndes 
also states that the North and the Gordonstoun sales contained copies with the date of 1634. This 
is an error with respect to Gordonstoun, as is probably the case with the North catalogue. There 
seems to have been two editions, neither of which had the date 1632. Both may have been printed 
at London. The facts, so far as known, seem to point to the conclusion, that the work was written 
in 1633, and revised after the author had seen Wood's Prospect. The subject is discussed in 
Harvard College Bulletin, No. 10, where it is said, "Now that the Force copy fails, it is not known 
that a single copy of title and date, corresponding to White Rennet's 1632 entry is in existence ; 
and that one such did exist rests upon his entry alone " We have shown, however, that the copy 
described by Bishop Kennet has no date. The Clarendon Papers also show that when Morton was 
accused of writing the book they could not prove it. Now would this have gone on record, unless the 
copy produced was without the author's name ? This, perhaps, leads to the consideration of the ques- 
tion, whether or not an edition was published without the author's name, as well as without the date. 

b Found in Winthrop's History of New England, vol. II., p. 190, ed. 1826. 

6 It is curious to observe how the ground was changed at this point, for they at once brought for- 
ward the irrelevant statement, that Gardiner had no cause to complain, as "he was kindly used and 
dismissed in peace, professing much engagement for the great courtesy he found here." Bradford, 
however, shows the error of Winthrop's statement, where he writes that Gardiner was charged with 
gross immorality, accused of being a " Papist," and was beaten with poles at his arrest, while his 
capture in this barbarous fashion was " taken thankfully" by the Governor of Massachusetts. 

1 N. York Collections, 1869, p. 40. The neglected Clarendon Papers are of no little importance. 


Ever since the redoubtable Joshua, of Scriptural fame, despatched two 
spies into his enemy's territory, with instructions to make their way to its 
very stronghold — "even Jericho" — and afterward amazed the world with 
supernatural tactics on the plain of Gibeon, it has been a standard maxim of 
war to use all possible means and devices to win success. The military man 
has never failed to tax his ingenuity to overreach his antagonist, and some 
of his methods, in common use to-day, are of a very old date. What is 
known as the secret service, at least, is clearly no modern institution, for we 
may credit Joshua himself with being one of its originators, so far as he ap- 
pears on the list of those tribal leaders who undertook to examine and re- 
port upon the land of Canaan before invading it. He was a spy before he 
was a general, and, as a general, he recognized the necessity and value of 
military espionage. His example would seem to give that otherwise un- 
popular occupation a certain ancient respectability. 

Writers on war make the spy one of the essentials of war. Napoleon 
used to say that if a general neglected to supply himself with information 
while operating in a peopled country, it was because he was " ignorant of 
his trade." He is said himself to have been constantly followed and watched 
by English and Continental spies. "Without accurate intelligence of an 
enemy's movements," writes Colonel McDougall, former Superintendent of 
the Royal Military College of Great Britain, " the greatest military talent is 
useless. The faculty of organizing a system of intelligence is a prominent 
quality of a great commander, and one demanding a deep knowledge of 
human nature." To quote from Jomini also, we find that noted authority 
laying down these rules, based upon a most extensive experience : " There 
are four means," he says, " of attaining a judgment as to the operations of 
a hostile army : the first is that of an espionage well organized and liberally 
paid ; the second is that of reconnoissances made by skilful officers and light 
corps ; the third consists in the information which could be obtained from 
prisoners of war ; the fourth is that of establishing with one's self the hypo- 
theses which may be the most probable from two different bases. Finally 
there is a fifth mode, that of signals, which, although it is applied rather to 
indicate the presence of the enemy than to judge of his projects, may be 
ranged in the category." 

But, before either Napoleon could distinguish the smell of gunpowder, 


or Jomini had seen the light, it is interesting to note that Washington, the 
details of whose mode of warfare seem to have been unfamiliar to these 
two masters of the art in Europe, had already governed himself by the very 
principles they insist upon, and carried the Revolution through to success 
in part by their rigid application. The most conspicuous phase of Wash- 
ington's generalship was his unremitting vigilance. The long months which 
sometimes intervened between the movements of his army were anything 
but the measure of inactivity in his own brain, for he watched the enemy — 
all that it was often possible for him to do — closely and constantly. Per- 
haps it was his early knowledge of Indian ways, and the experience of that 
terrible day with Braddock, that had impressed him with the need of always 
knowing all about the enemy, and thus save himself, at least, from sur- 
prises. Spies, light troops, reconnoissances, examination of prisoners, 
" hypotheses," and signals, which Jomini advises so positively, were quite an 
old story with the American Chief by the time the war closed. Ke under- 
stood his " trade." 

Especially did Washington make full use of the secret service during 
the Revolution, and he used it strictly within the rules of war. Whether 
he stopped to consider what some writers on the Law of Nations call the 
" ethics" of the case does not appear, but it is little -likely that he did. 
Commanding generals seem never to have troubled themselves with this 
point, their one aim being to obtain necessary intelligence at all hazards. 
The moral phase of the question turns upon the character of the spies em- 
ployed, of which there may be said to be two classes — those who are sent 
out from one camp into that of the enemy, and those who are subjects of 
the enemy or soldiers or officers in his service who are secretly hired to 
transmit intelligence to the opposite side. In the latter case the spies are 
also traitors, and it may be questioned how far a general would be author- 
ized in seeking their services, involving, as they must, the encouragement 
of gross perfidy and the blackest treachery. But as war goes the employ- 
ment of even this class of spies is permissible, the learned Vattel expressing 
himself as follows on the point : "We may lawfully endeavor to weaken 
the enemy by all possible means, provided they do not affect the common 
safety of human society, as do poison and assassination. Now in seducing 
a subject to turn spy, or the governor of a town to deliver it up to us, we 
do not strike at the foundation of the common safety and welfare of man- 
kind. Subjects acting as spies to an enemy do not cause a fatal and un- 
avoidable evil ; it is possible to guard against them to a certain degree, and 
as to the security of fortresses, it is the sovereign's business to be care- 
ful in the choice of the governors to whom he intrusts them. Those meas- 


ures, therefore, are not contrary to the external law of nations ; nor can the 
enemy complain of them as odious proceedings. Accordingly they are 
practised in all wars." This worthy and eminent authority, however, is 
quick to add that by the standard of individual conscience the corruption 
of an enemy's subject is highly dishonorable, unless, possibly, in the case 
of "a very just war, where the immediate object is to save our country 
when threatened by a lawless conqueror." 

Washington both sent out spies from his own camp, and employed spies 
resident within the enemy's lines. Among the former was young Nathan 
Hale, whose fate recalls a sad yet fragrant memory of that war. Of the 
latter class of spies no names, so far as known, have been preserved, nor 
does it appear from such correspondence as we have that they were ** sub- 
jects " of the British in the sense that Vattel uses the term. The Tory and 
Whig element was largely intermixed in the vicinity of the armies, especi- 
ally in and around New York, and both commanding generals were aware 
that they had true friends within the opposite lines whose services as in- 
formers could be properly sought. There is certainly nothing in Wash- 
ington's letters respecting this business to show that attempts were ever 
made to induce any one, Englishman or Tory, to betray his own cause. It 
was a fair game ; Clinton, for example, well understanding that the Ameri- 
can chief was doing his best to pry out British movements and intentions, 
and the latter knowing that Clinton's emissaries furnished him with infor- 
mation from the American camp. How far the espionage was carried on 
by both parties is indicated on the one hand by the original extracts from 
Washington's correspondence quoted in this article, and on the other from 
the titles of two manuscripts which have recently been sold in England from 
the papers of Sir Henry Clinton, one of which is described as "Private 
Intelligence," and the other, 4< Information of Deserters and Others not In- 
cluded in Private Intelligence." Still another expressive item appears in 
the Public Accounts of England where, under date of March 2, 1780, a 
warrant is drawn for ^"1,800 " To Major John Andre, for Secret Services to 

Of one thing we may be certain, that Washington employed the secret 
service on the highest public grounds. He felt that he was engaged in ■• a 
very just war," that his army was weak as compared with that of the enemy, 
that its surprise and defeat would be attended with alarming results to the 
country, and that his surest protection was to be forewarned by prompt 
and accurate intelligence of every hostile move against him. 

What efforts were made by the Chief in this direction, and how far he 
succeeded in his purpose, may be gathered from numerous references in the 


printed and manuscript papers of the time. Thus, from his own private ac- 
count book, it appears that he had scarcely assumed the command of the 
army at Cambridge, in July, 1775, when he furnished a certain person, 
whose name he withholds, with $333^ " to go into the city of Boston to 
establish a secret correspondence, for the purpose of conveying intelligence 
of the enemy's movements and designs ;" but how useful this arrangement 
proved to be is not stated. At New York, in the following year, we know 
that he was hard pressed for information of Howe's movements in time to be 
thoroughly prepared for them, although in his efforts there and during the re- 
treat through the Jerseys his secret fund was diminished by " 1,050 dollars 
and ^284. " In addition, there was the sacrifice of Hale's life to be brought 
against the account. Then, in 1777, considerable sums were paid out in the 
Pennsylvania Campaign, and while the enemy were at Philadelphia ; but it 
was not until 1778, after the battle of Monmouth, when the British had 
made New York their headquarters once more, that he was able to estab- 
lish anything like a systematized secret service. From that date the " un- 
derground railroad " was worked with not a little success, especially as 
Congress supplied the Commander-in-Chief with liberal sums of hard money 
for the purpose. 

It would, indeed, be interesting to have before us to-day the various 
communications which the secret agents within the British lines began from 
this time to transmit at intervals to the American headquarters, but, as they 
were disguised or soon destroyed, we have to content ourselves with letters 
written mainly about the service ; and one of the first which Washington 
wrote upon the subject is dated at White Plains, August 25, 1778, where 
v his army was stationed for some time after Monmouth. It shows his meth- 
ods and demand for accuracy in whatever information was furnished. " I 
am very anxious," he says — and he is writing to Major Clough, of Baylor's 
Dragoons, at a detached post — " to obtain a true account of what is passing 
in New York, and am endeavoring to send in a variety of persons from dif- 
ferent quarters, who have no connection or communication with each other. 
By comparing their accounts, I shall be able to form a pretty good judg- 
ment. I shall be obliged to you to procure some intelligent person to go into 
the city, and, as it will be unsafe to give him a written paper, I desire you 
to impress the enclosed upon his memory by repeating them to him. When 
he returns let me know his answers to each head. If the person that goes 
in cannot make an excuse of business, he must be allowed to carry a small 
matter of provisions, and bring something out, by way of pretext." The 
five hundred guineas which Congress placed at Washington's disposal 
shortly after was doubtless put to good use here as well as later in the fall, 


when we have a special line of communication established through the 
efforts and under the management of that spirited young officer of the Re- 
volution, Major Benjamin Tallmadge, of the Light Dragoons, whose portrait 
appears in the present number of the Magazine. 

Tallmadge, a graduate of Yale College in 1773, joined the service as ad- 
jutant of Chester's regiment of Connecticut State troops in 1776, partici- 
pated in the battles of Long Island and White Plains, and in the following 
year raised a fine troop of horsemen, who joined the newly organized 
Second Regiment of Dragoons, commanded by Colonel Elisha Sheldon, of 
Connecticut. Thereafter he figures as M Major Tallmadge," and his con- 
nection with the arrest of Andre, his brilliant exploits on Long Island, and 
his vigilance and activity at the outposts in Westchester County, earned for 
him, not only a flattering reputation among his comrades, but, what he es- 
teemed far more highly, the particular confidence of his Commander-in- 
Chief. His " Memoir," published some years since, is one of the works 
eagerly sought by collectors of Revolutionary lore. 

The intimate acquaintance of this officer with Washington grew out of 
and ripened in connection with this matter of the secret service, beginning 
in the fall of 1778. Being a native of Long Island, and stationed much of 
the time on the Connecticut side of the Sound, he enjoyed unusual oppor- 
tunities for obtaining information from the opposite shore, which he was 
careful to improve. He came in contact especially with a person who ap- 
pears in his correspondence as C Senior, and occasionally as Culper 

Senior, which was evidently a fictitious name, in view of the role he after- 
ward played as an American spy. In one of" his unpublished letters, Tall- 
madge states that this man originally resided on Long Island, was taken in 
the Sound by one of our armed sloops, and considered as a prisoner of 
war, returned to Long Island on parole, and there remained till, by the 
influence of friends in Connecticut, he obtained an order from Governor 
Trumbull to return to that State. Tallmadge then proposed to him to 
engage in the service of procuring intelligence of British movements on 
Long Island, and, accepting the office, he went back. He was to represent 
himself there as a loyalist, but it would seem that in reality he was a friend 
of America, though perhaps of that unpronounced class which escaped harsh 
treatment within the enemy's territory. It is quite impossible that he could 
have been a " corrupted'' British subject, or Tallmadge could not have re- 
posed such unlimited faith in him as he did. In writing to Washington of 

C 's readiness to obtain intelligence, he says: "I dare pawn my 

honour upon his fidelity." So Culper appears henceforth and proves to 
be a trusted American spy on Long Island, and some time in November 


he furnished his first communication, which Tallmadge forwarded to the 
Commander-in-Chief. Upon its receipt, the latter- returned the following 
reply to Tallmadge, heretofore unpublished, under date of " Headquarters, 
Fishkill, November 29, 1778 " : 

" I am favoured with your letter of this date, with one from C . His account has the appear- 
ance of a distinct and good one, and makes me desirous of a continuation of his correspondence. 

" At the same time, I am at a loss how it can be conveniently carried on, as he is so scrupulous 
respecting the channel of conveyance. At the Station to which your regiment is going, it would be 
too circuitous and dilatory to have his communications pass through you. I wish you could fix upon 
some officer at Danbury, in whose discretion your correspondent would be willing to confide ; or per- 
haps the matter might be so managed that his communications might be conveyed through that officer 
without his knowing from whom they came. 

"If this can be done, you will make the proper arrangements and give me notice. But any way 
you can fall upon, in which the end can be answered with expedition, will be agreeable to me. 

"If you think you can really depend on C 's fidelity, I should be glad to have an interview 

with him myself, in which I would endeavour to put the mode of corresponding upon such a footing, 
that even if his letters were to fall into the enemy's hands, he would have nothing to fear on that ac- 

" I am sorry, I cannot send you the money you request, per bearer ; all the specie in my posses- 
sion is with my baggage, from which I shall be for some days separated. But, if I am not mistaken, 
there is a sum about equal to what is now wanted in the hands of Col. Henly, whom I have directed 
in the letter accompanying this to pay what he may have to you. You will apply to him accordingly. 

" Specie is so scarce an article and so difficult to be procured, that we must use great economy 
with it. If Continental money can be made to answer the purpose in part, it will be a very desirable 
circumstance, and facilitate the necessary supplies. 

'* P. S. — If you cannot arrange the matter at once in some other way, you may remain awhile 
where you are to carry on the correspondence." 

The interview proposed in this letter was not held, on the ground that 

C might be exposed by it ; and no further correspondence is at hand 

until March 29, 1779, when the Commander-in-Chief writes again to Tall- 
madge from Middlebrook, New Jersey, as follows, "the letter being tran- 
scribed from the original, which is entirely in Washington's handwriting : 

" With this Letter you will receive Fifty Guineas for S C r, which you will cause to be 

delivered as soon as possible, with an earnest exhortation to use them with all possible economy, as I 
find it very difficult to obtain hard money. 

" I wish C could fall upon some more direct channel by which his Letters could be conveyed, 

as the efficacy of his communications is lost in the circuitous rout. — if he could fall upon a method of 
conveying his Letters to Gen 1 Maxwell at Elizabethtown, or to Col° Shreive at Newark, they would 
come to me with more dispatch, & of consequence render his corrispondance more valuable. 

' l As all great movements, and the fountain of all intelligence must originate at, & proceed from 

the head Quarters of the enemy's'army, C had better reside at New York — mix with — and put on 

the airs of a Tory to cover his real character and avoid suspicion. 

" In all his communications he should be careful in distinguishing matters of fact, from matters of 
report. — Reports and actions should be compared before conclusions are drawn, to prevent as much 
as possible, deception. 


" Particular attention is to be paid to the arrival, & departure of all Fleets and to the alterations 
in the cantonments of the Troops and their respective movements with the distillation of them, if to 
be come at, and before it is too late to profit by the knowledge. All reinforcements, whether of 
whole Corps — detachments — or recruits (for the purpose of filling their regiments) to be carefully 
marked, and the numbers — descriptions &c — properly designated. — All detachments and the strength 
and destination of them to be scrutinized with an eye equally attentive. — The temper and expectation 
of the Tories and refugees is worthy of consideration, as much may be gathered from their expecta- 
tions and prospects — for this purpose an intimacy with some well informed Refugee may be political 
and advantageous. — highly so will it be, to contract an acquaintance with a person in the Naval 
department, <who may either be engaged in the business of providing Transports for the embarkation 
of Troops, or in victualling of them. — Many other things will occur upon reflection without an 
enumeration of them, I shall therefore only add my wishes that the whole may be placed on such a 
footing as to answer the end most effectually, and that I am, 

" Sir, 

"Y'very H^ie Serv 1 , 


" P. S. — I wish merely for curiosity, and that I maybe prepared with sufficient knowledge for any 
future favourable contingency, to know the depth of water through Hellgate ? — the largest ship of 
War that has ever passed it ? — and the largest that can pass it ? 

"G. W n." 

Some time in 1779, another correspondent in the enemy's lines appears, 
who is mentioned as C , Junior, and of whom Tallmadge wrote to Wash- 
ington briefly : "This much I can observe respecting the man. He is a 
gentleman of business, of education and honour." That he was a person 
of some consequence is also established by the fact that by his own word 
he was on good terms with some of the staff-officers at British Headquarters. 

From the two C s, Senior and Junior, much valuable information 

was now secured ; and respecting the mode of communicating it, we have 
a hint from another original letter from the Chief, dated West Point, July 
2 5> 1 779> an d addressed to Tallmadge : 

"All the white Ink I now have, indeed all that there is any prospect of getting soon is sent in 
Phial No. 1, by Colonel Webb. The liquid in No. 2 is the counterpart which renders the other 
visible by wetting the paper with a fine brush after the first has been used and is dry. You will send 

these to C r Junior, as soon as possible, and I beg that no mention may Ever be made of your 

having received such liquid from me, or any one else. In all cases and at all times, this prudence 
and circumspection is necessary, but it is indispensably so now, as I am informed that Governor Tryon 
has a preparation of the same kind or something similar to it, which may lead to a detection, if it is 
ever known that a matter of this sort has passed from me. . . ." 

But perhaps the most important and interesting of the documents that 
are preserved on this subject is that marked " Instructions," found among 
Major Tallmadge's papers, which was drawn up by Washington as a guide by 

which the two C s were to govern themselves. The minuteness of his 

suggestions and inquiries shows that he already entertained the possibility 


of attacking the enemy at New York, a plan for which was matured in 
1780 and in 1781. The following is the document in full : 


"C Jun r . to remain in the City, to collect all the useful information he can — to do this 

he should mix as much as possible among the officers and Refugees, visit the Coffee Houses, and all 
public places. He is to pay particular attention to the movements by land and water in and about 
the city especially. 

" How their transports are secured against an attempt to destroy them — whether by armed vessels 
upon the flanks, or by chains, Booms, or any contrivances to keep off fire Rafts. 

" The number of men destined for the defence of the City and Environs, endeavoring to designate 
the particular corps, and where each is posted. 

" To be particular in describing the place where the works cross the Island in the Rear of the City 
— how many Redoubts are upon the line from River to River, how many Cannon in each, and of what 
weight and whether the Redoubts are closed or open next the city. 

" Whether there are any Works upon the Island of New York between those near the City and 
the works at Fort Knyphausen or Washington, and if any, whereabouts and of what kind. 

" To be very particular in finding out whether any works are thrown up on Harlem River, near 
Harlem Town, and whether Horn's Hook is fortifyed. If so, how many men are kept at each 
place, and what number and what sized Cannon are in those works. 

" To enquire whether they have dug Pits within and in front of the lines and Works in general, 
three or four feet deep, in which sharp pointed stakes are fixed. These are intended to receive and 
wound men who attempt a surprise at night. 

" The state of the provisions, Forage and Fuel to be attended to, as also the Health and Spirits 
of the Army, Navy and City. 

" These are the principal matters to be observed within the Island and about the City of New 
York. Many more may occur to a person of C Jun r ' s penetration which he will note and com- 

" C , Senior's station to be upon Long Island to receive and transmit the intelligence of 

C junior. 

" As it is imagined that the only post of consequence which the enemy will attempt to hold upon 
Long Island in case of attack will be at Brooklyn, I would recommend that some inhabitant in the 
neighborhood of that place, and seemingly in the interest of the enemy, should be procured, who 
might probably gain daily admission into the Garrison by carrying on marketting, and from him in- 
telligence might be gained every day or two of what was passing within, as the strength of the Gar- 
rison, the number and size of the Cannon, &c. 

" Proper persons to be procured at convenient distances along the Sound from Brooklyn to New- 
town whose Business it shall be to observe and Report what is passing upon the water, as whether 
any Vessels or Boats with troops are moving, their number and which way they seem bound. 

" There can be scarce any need of recommending the greatest Caution and secrecy in a Business so 
critical and dangerous. The following seem to be the best general Rules : 

"To intrust none but the persons fixed upon to transact the Business. 

" To deliver the dispatches to none upon our side but those who shall be pitched upon for the pur- 
pose of receiving them and to transmit them and any intelligence that may be obtained to no one 
but the Commander-in-Chief." 

Unfortunately there seem to be no records to show how far the C s 

were able to satisfy the Commander-in-Chief on these points. To C , 


Junior, the Commander-in-Chief sends some more of the liquid already re- 
ferred to, on February 3, 1780, and writes to Tallmadge that he (C , Jr.) 

" Should avoid making use of the Stain upon a Blank sheet of paper (which is the usual way of 
its coming to me). This circumstance alone is sufficient to raise suspicions. A much better way is 
to write a letter in the Tory stile with some mixture of family matters and between the lines and on 
the remaining part of the sheet communicate with the stain the intended intelligence. Such a letter 
would pass through the hands of the enemy unsuspected and even if the agents should be unfaithfull 
or negligent, no discovery would be made to his prejudice, as these people are not to know that there 
is Concealed writing in the letter and the intelligent part of it would be an evidence in his favor. 

11 P.S. I have rec d no letter from C , Sen. or Jun r since the 27 th of Dec. last. The stain in 

the small Phial is more than half I have. I wish C would use it carefully. What I have sent 

for him at different times would have wrote fifty times what I have rec d from him." 

To this Tallmadge replied, February 20, 1780: 

"Your Excellency's favour per Col. Blaine, together with the two Phials and 20 Guineas have 
been duly rec d — for the Guineas a Rec' is enclosed. I have respected your Excellency's instruction 

to C Jun r and forwarded to him both the Phials and Money. The severity of the Season (the 

Sound being froze over) has prevented the Communication with C as usual ; as soon as the ice 

breaks up the Boat will cross again." 

Another item from the Major, August 10, 1780, is this : 

11 Since I last saw your Excellency I have been endeavoring to open communication with New 
York by crossing over to Cow Neck to the westward of Oyster bay. If this can be effected, Dis- 
patches may be bro't from N.Y. to the White Plains in 12 hours on contingencies, as the whole land 
course on both sides would not exceed 34 miles, & the Sound not more than 10 miles over. I am the 

more induced to this step, as C Jun r has a near Relation living near Cow Neck, whom if I can 

also engage, I am sure of C Jun r ' s [continued ?] services." 

It is very evident that the services of these secret agents were worth 

retaining, as they were employed to the close of the war. Of C Junior's 

accounts, Washington observes that they were " intelligent, clear, and satis- 
factory ; " and in one instance, certainly, Tallmadge himself took signal ad- 
vantage of the information furnished him, as he proposed to do in the fol- 
lowing letter to Washington, dated Bedford, November 7, 1780: 

" I hope in a day or two a more accurate account of the situation of the Enemy, & their late Em- 
barkations will be forwarded. I have had no certain accounts from N. York, via Kingsbridge since 
my return from H d Q rs . I have, however, received a second hand report that the late embarkation 
has actually sailed, and that it consisted of the Corps mentioned in Col. Jameson's letter to your 
Excellency. There are reports from the same authority that another Detachment of Recruits sup- 
posed to be about 2000 men with some of the Cork fleet, have arrived within a few Days at N.Y. 
C 's next letter will be particular. 

"With respect to the information contained in L* Brewster's Letter, I would observe that the 
place at which the hay is said to be collected is about 9 miles from the Sound, & about southeast 
from Setauket, alias Brookhaven. The Detachm 1 of Refugees, mentioned in C 's letter to be 


posted at Mr. Smith's house, is about 3 miles beyond Corum, the same course. They are about 40 
in number. If your Excellency wishes to have the flVy destroyed, or the Corps taken, I don't doubt 
of its practicability, & with about 40 or 50 of our dismounted Dragoons I would undertake it." 

Washington granted permission, and the result was Tallmadge's bold 
and successful dash upon Fort George, the capture of the garrison, and de- 
struction of three hundred tons of hay. On his return he received the 
cordial thanks of the Commander-in-Chief, which, he says, gave him " the 
most singular satisfaction." 

There is but one communication from C , Junior, to be found among 

the Tallmadge papers, and this is of a date (September 19, 1782) which 
renders its contents of less value than would attach to it had it referred 
to the more active times of the previous years ; but it has its interest, and 

is given below. On this occasion it appears that C visited Tallmadge 

in person at Ward's House, above Pine's Bridge, on the Croton, and made 
a statement in writing, which was forwarded to Washington. It runs as 
follows : 

"The last Packet, so far from bringing better news to the Loyalists, has indeed brought the 
clearest and unequivocal Proofs that the Independence of America is unconditionally to be acknowl- 
edged, nor will there be any conditions insisted on for those who have joined the King's Standard. 

"It is said that an Expedition is now forming at N. Y. & by many conjectured to be against 
the French Fleet &c at Boston ; a number of British Troops were embarking when I left the City on 
the 14 th & 15 th ins'. But I conversed fully with one of Carleton's Aides on this subject who told 
me that I might depend they were bound to the W. Indies or Halifax. For my own part I have 
no expectation that they think of any offensive movements. The above gentleman, with whom I am 
most intimately connected, informed me that it is now under consideration to send all the B. Troops 
to the West Indies & to garrison the City with the Jagers & new raised corps for the present. 

" A fleet is now taking in Water at Staten Island & another at White Stone — various conjec- 
tures about their Destination. It is a fact that a fleet is going to Charleston to bring off that Gar- 

" A packet is just about sailing to England & another will follow very shortly, & Sir Guy himself 
says that he thinks it not improbable that the next Packet may bring orders for an evacuation of N. 

" A fleet is getting ready to sail for the Bay of Fundy about the first of Oct r to transport a large 
number of Refugees to that Quarter. The Aide above referred to informs us that he thinks it prob- 
able he shall go there himself. Indeed, I never saw such general distress and dissatisfaction in my 
life as is painted in the countenance of every Tory at N. Y. 

" The Beef Contractors had orders a few days past to cease purchasing any more for the Navy & 
from the appearance of things the whole fleet are getting ready for a movement. 

"I am myself uncertain when the Troops will leave N.Y. but I must confess I rather believe if 
the King's Magazines can be removed, that they will leave us this fall. 

tk The King's wood Yards are tolerably well supply'd but they have no Magazines of ' Forage.' " 

A little later, October 22, 1782, C , Junior, reported that word had 

reached New York of the sinking, in the English Channel, of the man-of- 


war Royal George, "with Adm 1 Kempenfeldt and more than 600 men on 
board," which is the last item we have from him. 

Further references to this subject of the secret service may be found in 
the " Washington Writings " by Sparks, and in the private accounts of the 
Commander-in-Chief, from which it is sufficiently apparent, with what is 
added in this connection, that he was not to be caught off his guard, as he 

was not during the entire war. Besides the two C 's there were other 

spies in New York, who transmitted intelligence by way of Staten Island 
and New Jersey ; but the line established and managed by Tallmadge was 
the most important and valuable. So cautiously and admirably had this 
officer proceeded in the matter that when Arnold's treason threw all the 
American informers into alarm lest the traitor might ferret them out, he was 
able to write confidently that Arnold did not have the slightest clue by 
which to identify the C s, and that every link in his chain of communi- 
cation was safe. It also marks his own instinctive consideration and fidelity 
that at the close of the war he secured his agents against any possible un- 
pleasant position in New York. It is believed that he never disclosed their 
true names. 

This record may tend to confirm our faith in the wisdom of Washing- 
ton's policy in the Revolutionary struggle. He was not a man of sentiment, 
but of hard common sense, a man of understanding, who sought every 
legitimate and accepted means of defeating the purposes of his enemies. 
He usually succeeded to an eminent degree in probing that enemy's designs 
and ascertaining his movements before they could work mischief. More 
than the mere Commander, he was guardian of a cause, and as such he felt 
himself constrained to search out " even Jericho." 

The friendship between Tallmadge and Washington, which their rela- 
tions in this business could not fail to establish most firmly, was continued 
after the war, and one of the most precious souvenirs the Major cherished 
to the close of his days was an original portrait of his chief, which the latter 
presented him shortly before his death, and which is still preserved with 
equal veneration by one of his grandsons. 


Note. — The original letters quoted in the above article are in possession of Major Tallmadge's 
descendants— F. A. Tallmadge, Esq., Mrs. Richard Stockton Howell, and Mrs. Mary E. Norwood, 
of New York City, and Rev. John P. Cushman and Mrs. George T. Balch, of Troy, N. Y. The 
extract dated July 25, 1779, is from the Sparks MS., Harvard College Library. 


There are two names in history to which, thus far, we have failed to 
do justice, James, the Duke of York, and Dongan, the Colonial Governor 
of the Province of New York. Nevertheless, the people of the United 
States are deeply indebted to both of these eminent men for the progress 
and development of their institutions. 

It is to James, Duke of York, and his high-minded minister, that this 
country is indebted for the most striking and salutary of those constitu- 
tional principles which underlie our present form of government, as well as 
those principles of domestic and foreign policy which, making due allow- 
ance for the difference between an infant State feeling its way to greatness 
and the same State in the maturity of its development and power, have 
been adopted since the separation from Great Britain. Nor has it ever 
proved to the advantage of this country whenever any one of those prin- 
ciples has been deviated from. 

It was Governor Dongan who, opposing himself to the policy of the 
settlers of New England toward the aborigines of the country, set a true 
example, endeavoring to treat them, not as conquered peoples, nor even as 
allies, but as fellow-citizens, owing fealty to the same government and 
sharing its privileges and protection. His efforts in this direction were re- 
warded with even greater success than has, as yet, attended ours, because 
they were not continually baulked and thwarted by the agents of political 

It was Governor Dongan who first conceived the grand idea of a vast 
English federation in the West, whose limits should be the Pacific Ocean on 
one side, and the Atlantic on the other ; with the Canadian lakes on the 
north, and Spanish America at the south. In pursuit of this object, he 
would not suffer a French soldier to cross the boundary that he had as- 
signed, and by an ingenious and manly policy he completely won the loyalty 
and esteem of the natives of the land. To him, also, belongs whatever 
credit is due for having been the first, with the approval of the Duke of 
York, to establish representative institutions, in what was obviously des- 
tined to become the most powerful and influential of the British possessions 
in the central portions of North America. 

Singular as it may seem, it was a cloistered nun, the venerable Mother 
Mary, of the Incarnation, who first pointed out the importance of the posi- 


tion of the Valley of the Hudson to the power that should hold sway in 
Northern America. But her advice fell unheeded on the ears of the men 
who then presided over the destinies of France. On the other hand, James, 
Duke of York, with the prescience of a true statesman, saw that it would 
not answer to allow France to secure for Canada a second route to the 
ocean, thus separating New England from Maryland and Virginia, and 
hemming in the two isolated groups of English colonies on the seaboard. 
He therefore secured the Valley of the Hudson to the English crown for all 

The historian Smith says of Dongan, the Duke's agent : " He was a man 
of integrity, moderation, and genteel manners ; and, though a professed 
Papist, may be classed amongst the best of our governors ; " adding, " he 
surpassed all his predecessors in a due attention to our affairs with the In- 
dians, by whom he was highly esteemed." Valentine writes : " He was a 
Roman Catholic in his religious tenets, which was the occasion of much re- 
mark on the part of the Protestant inhabitants of the colony ; but," he con- 
tinues, " his personal character was in other respects not objectionable to 
the people, and he is described as a man of integrity, moderation, and gen- 
teel manners, and as being among the best of the governors who had been 
placed in charge of this province." Booth also writes of him : " He was of 
the Roman Catholic faith, a fact which rendered him, at first, obnoxious to 
many ; but his firm and judicious policy, his steadfast integrity, and his 
pleasing and courteous address, soon won the affections of the people, and 
made him one of the most popular of the royal governors." Colden, in his 
" History of the Five Nations," calls him an " honest gentleman," and an 
*' active and prudent Governor." 

This eminent man was descended from an ancient Irish family, distin- 
guished for energy of character and a spirit of enterprise which he did not 
allow to expire with his ancestors. His father was Sir John Dongan, 
Baronet, of Castletown, in the County Kildare, Ireland. His uncle was 
Richard Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnel, who was a conspicuous figure in the 
reign of Charles II., as well as in that of his brother and successor, James 
II. This Earl of Tyrconnel was one of those against whom Titus Oates in- 
formed. He was made Lieutenant-Governor of Ireland, and afterward Lord 
Deputy, on the recall of Clarendon by James II. His nephew, Thomas 
Dongan, was born in 1634. After passing through the usual course of a 
polite education, he embraced the profession of arms. Through the influ- 
ence of his brothers and uncles, he gained advancement at the English 
Court, and was quickly promoted to a colonelcy. Subsequently entering 
the military service of France, he served as colonel of a regiment under 


Louis XIV. In 1678, after the English Parliament had forced Charles II. 
to break with Louis XIV., an order was issued commanding all British 
subjects in the service of France to return home. Colonel Dongan obeyed 
the orders of his sovereign at great personal sacrifice. He informs us that 
he left "that honorable and advantageous post and resisted the tempta- 
tions of greater preferment then offered him if he would remain there ; 
for which reason the French king commanded him to quit France in 
forty-eight hours, and refused to pay him a debt of sixty-five thousand 
livres then due to him for remits and arrears upon an assessment ren- 
dered him by the intendant of Nancy. He never afterward succeeded in 
appeasing the French king's resentment, or in securing the payment of his 

Dongan finally succeeded to the high and responsible office of Governor 
of New York in difficult times. The capture of New Netherlands from the 
Dutch in 1664, its recapture in 1670, and its restitution to Great Britain six 
months afterward, had brought considerable confusion into the question 
both of boundary and jurisdiction, as well as the questions of administra- 
tion. It is mentioned, to his honor, by the same historians who are so un- 
sparing in their condemnation of his religion, that he did not permit the 
identity of his faith with that of the Catholic missionaries of France to pre- 
vent him from opposing their residence among the Indian tribes in his 
province, as their influence was calculated to promote the interests and 
policy of France and weaken the authority of the English. But it was 
loyalty to his own Government and a just regard for the interests con- 
fided to him, and not indifference to the pious work of Christianizing 
the Indians, that induced Governor Dongan to oppose the mission of the 

Governor Dongan's policy in regard to the Indians was sound. He 
wished them to be instructed and converted to Christianity, as he evinced 
by replacing the French Jesuits with English members of the same society. 

The French king, who was bent upon reducing the Five Nations, had 
frequently remonstrated with James II. against Dongan's interference, but 
notwithstanding instructions to the contrary, he was far too honorable to 
see his allies murdered in cold blood, in obedience to the will of his supe- 
riors. By his masterly policy, Dongan controlled the Five Nations, broke 
up the French influence, and used the confederacy as the great bulwark of 
New York, making it, with English support, a terror to Canada and the 
Western tribes. 

If, however, Governor Dongan laid the foundation of that more extended 
system of popular representation, adopted by the whole nation since its 


separation from the mother country, the entire Union owes him a debt of 
gratitude for having stamped deep in the heart of the people that sacred 
principle of freedom of conscience which the doctrines of the Catholic 
Church pronounce to be the inalienable right of every individual, and which 
this country has cherished and maintained with a consistency and devotion 
that distinguished it above every other nation on the earth. 

In 1686, Dongan received a royal commission, which appointed him " the 
King's Captain-General and Commander-in-Chief over the Province of New 
York, and the territories depending thereon in North America." 

Governor Dongan, in the same year, signalized his administration by 
granting, in the name and by the authority of the king, the celebrated char- 
ter known as the u Dongan Charter," bearing date the 27th of April of 
that year. This charter constitutes, to this day, the basis of the municipal 
laws, rights, privileges, public property, and franchises of the city. 

The rapidity and thoroughness with which Governor Dongan acquainted 
himself with the condition, wants, and probable prospects of the colony, as 
well as the domestic and external policy demanded for its prosperous de- 
velopment, and for the interest of the King of England, evidence the single- 
mindedness that he brought to his responsible task. His report on the 
condition of the Colony is a masterly production. His defence, when charges 
were preferred against him to the home Government by Mr. Santen, de- 
serves to be quoted. " Concerning my covetousness, as he is pleased to 
term it (if Mr. Santen speaks true, in saying I have been covetous), it was, 
in the management of the small revenue, to the best advantage, and had 
Mr. Santen been as just as I have been careful, the king had not been in 
debt, and I had more in my pocket than I now have." 

One of the measures proposed by Dongan to resist French influence was 
to bring over colonists from Ireland. He adjusted the disputes about boun- 
daries and jurisdictions arising from the wording of the patents, without 
leaving a trace of ill-will behind him. Thus, when the Connecticut authori- 
ties urged a claim on a large slice of New York, he maintained the rights 
of the colony with such firmness, but at the same time with such courtesy, 
that the Connecticut commissioners, on their return, though baffled, when 
notifying the Rye magistrates that they would have to give up the town, 
said that " Dongan was a noble gentleman, and would do for their welfare 
whatever they should desire in a regular manner." 

The charter granted by James empowering the convocation of a legisla- 
tive assembly was of the most liberal character, being framed by Colonel 
Dongan with the closest attention to popular rights. This constitutional 
legislative body, consisting of the Governor, the counsellors, and seventeen 


representatives elected by the people, assembled in the city of New York, 
October 17, 1683, and it may be safely asserted that this, the first represent- 
ative legislative assembly of New York, was not inferior to any of the sub- 
sequent ones up to the present time, either in administrative capacity or 
patriotism of motive. 

In one of his reports, Governor Dongan shows how he was to secure 
the beaver and other Indian trade for the province. It is full of valuable 
suggestions, and contains valuable statistics relating to the courts of justice, 
public revenue, trade, population, and commerce. But while the interests 
of New York were developing and taking form under the able administra- 
tion of the Governor, his statesmanlike views stretched far beyond the 
limits of New York. It was not enough for him to see his royal master 
hold and control the Atlantic coast from Acadia to Florida, he would ex- 
tend his power into the interior, and as England was to have no rival where 
the waves of the ocean broke upon her western shore, so she was to brook 
none in the great valley beyond the Appalachian range. The boundary 
which he then established was afterward recognized by solemn treaty, and 
in our day the visitor to the great Lakes and the Falls of Niagara sees the 
American flag proudly floating where Dongan had planted its English pre- 

Under Dongan's administration, New York traders sought trade with the 
Indians at Detroit, and made their way along Lake Erie, years before New 
Englanders had contrived to reach Lake Champlain, or Virginia grew ec- 
static over the immense achievement of her Governor in crossing the Alle- 
ghanies and riding down into the lovely valley of the Shenandoah. 

Dongan so persistently thwarted the plans of the French Governor of 
Canada, that De la Barre declared that affairs in 'Europe alone prevented 
him from marching against " Dongan, who fain would assume to be sovereign 
lord of the whole of North America south of the St. Lawrence." 

The energetic and far-sighted policy of Dongan gave to New York the 
commercial ascendancy in North America. The policy of Governor Don- 
gan, however, did not always meet the views of his royal master, and in 
April, 1668, he resigned his office and became a private citizen, living in 
New York and on Staten Island. 

The illustrious subject of this sketch, after the passage of the " Bill of 
Rights" in 1691, returned to England. In 1698, on the death of his 
brother, William, Earl of Limerick, he was advanced to the earldom by 
right of succession. His efforts to recover the confiscated estates of his 
deceased brother resulted in his obtaining the passage of an act of Parlia- 
ment for his relief on May 25, 1702. He died in London on the 14th of 


December following, and was interred in the churchyard of St. Pancras, 
Middlesex. The highest eulogy that can be pronounced upon him is, that 
it was he, beyond even and above his able predecessors, who, by his mag- 
nanimous statesmanship, moderation of temperament, and unaffected respect 
for the rights and liberties of others, prepared the way for all that is most 
admirable in the constitution and policy of our great Republic, which arose 
from out the ruins of a neglected and ill-governed colony to be glorious in 
the future with the brilliant records of conquest in the domains of peace, 
liberty, and religious freedom. 

P. F. DEALY, S.J. 


Governor Dongan to M. de la Barre. 
S r 

I received your other letter and do believe that you have bin misinformed as to the Irequois they 
haveing traded with this Government above forty years and nowhere else, unlesse they did it by stealth : 
I am sure they are nearer to this place then yours, and all to the South and South West of the lake 
of Canada; Wee have pretences too, and it seemes a cleare demonstration that those lands belong to 
the King of England, haveing all his Colonies close upon them, those Indians who have pipes through 
their noses, would fain come to trade at Yorke, did not other Indians hinder them, haveing from hence 
such trade as they want which is in no other Governm 1 and that you have none but what you 
have from us. As for any dispute about them I suppose Your people and ours may trade amongst 
them without any difference — I give you thanks for the passes you sent and assure you nobody hath a 
greater desire to have a strict union with you and good correspondence then myself who served long 
time in France and was much obliged by the King and Gentry of that Country ; and I am sure no 
man hath a greater respect for them then myself and would never do anything that may cause a mis- 
understanding, but I am a servant in this place and therefore need say no more but that I am 

Your humble servant 
1 68* ' THO. DONGAN 

New York Col. MSS. III. 447. 


The winter of 1777-78 was doubly memorable in the American struggle 
for national independence. 

That struggle was based upon issues which were alike of civil and mili- 
tary significance. The civil issue was one of right. The military issue was 
one of force. Policy and strategy were to battle for a conclusion of the 
war. The ordeal was a fearful one for the colonies, and their peril was 
nearly desperate ; but the slothful indulgence of the British army at Phila- 
delphia was fatal to its efficiency, while affording the American army that 
essential repose which was required for its discipline and reorganization. 

Great Britain had to isolate New England by control of Long Island 
Sound and the Hudson River ; and was equally compelled to isolate the 
South, through control of the Chesapeake and Delaware, and then strike 
the centre with vigor, if she would reduce the colonies to a subjective alle- 
giance. From the campaign of 1776, Washington had maintained, within 
responsible control, the true centre of military action, in the strongholds of 
New Jersey. His radiating lines of activity affected all operations out of 
New York, and that alone embarrassed all British movements until his 
consummate strategy, emanating from the same general base, smote Corn- 
wallis at Yorktown and achieved independence for America. 

Valley Forge furnishes the exception to Washington's general plan. 
Lieut. -General Howe advanced his immediate base of active war to Philadel- 
phia. The resistance which involved the Battle of Brandywine was suc- 
ceeded by the bold offer of battle at White Horse Tavern, above Winchester, 
and that more wonderful demonstration at Germantown, which astounded 
the world, assured French support, locked the British within the city, and 
placed the Continental army in winter quarters, on the right bank of the 
Schuylkill River. 

The only well-organized army of the new Republic was on trial. On 
December 19, 1777, it took position, and the camp was formally established 
by Washington within twenty-six miles of Philadelphia, as indicated by the 
map. Howe ravaged the suburbs of the city for fuel, food, and support. 
The theatre, the dance-house, and indiscriminate indulgence, marked the 
experiences of his command. Washington toiled, hungered, and suffered, 
while sternly resolved to wring from the winter's discipline a solid prepara- 
tion for the expulsion of the British army. 


With a pre-eminence in personal supervision of details which was not 
surpassed by that of Frederick, Marlborough, or Napoleon, he planned 
the minutest organization of that winter cantonment. With his personal 
Headquarters at the " Isaac Potts " Mansion, he dictated the location, shape, 
and specific accommodations of each log cabin, whether for officers or men. 
He established a bridge across the Schuylkill, and so well disposed all sub- 
ordinate commands, that every approach from Philadelphia was watched ; 
while his own scouting parties had free scope for operations, even to the 
picket lines about the Capital. 

In an official apology for not attacking Washington during that winter, 
Lieut.-General Howe says, that " he did not attack the entrenched situation 
at Valley Forge, a strong point, during the severe season, although every- 
thing was prepared with that intention ; judging it imprudent until the 
season should afford a prospect of reaping the advantages that ought to 
have resulted from success in that measure ; but having good information 
in the spring that the enemy had strengthened his camp by additional 
works, and being certain of moving him from thence when the campaign 
should open, he dropped thoughts of attack." 

Washington, however, kept his campaign open, and never dropped 
thoughts of attack. From Brooklyn Heights to Howe's recall to England, 
these soldiers widely differed ; for the one rarely lost an opportunity, while 
the other never improved one. 

In so brief a notice of Valley Forge it is not required to state the gallant 
conduct of Lafayette at Barren Hill, the failure of the British army to in- 
volve Washington in a critical issue at Chestnut Hill, nor to detail that 
series of wise movements which prepared Europe to accept the surrender 
of Burgoyne as the assurance of ultimate American success. 

Valley Forge was the supplement of field-work well done, Valley Forge 
was the ordeal from which the Republic emerged, when Clinton evacuated 
Philadelphia, and through which the Battle of Monmouth was made em- 
phatic, in the deliverance of the North from farther campaigns of serious 
import. But Valley Forge with its well-ordered huts, its redoubts, and en- 
trenchments, had experiences of far greater moment than those of merely 
military outline and protection. A winter's severity, hardly surpassed by 
that of 1780, at Morristown, exacted all possible human endurance. 

Intense cold, drifting snow, and a bleak exposure, were the conditions, 
under which the only organized army of the Republic was maturing for a 
prolonged conflict with Great Britain. More than three thousand men had no 
shoes, and bloody imprints marked their daily round of duty. A single 
blanket covered two or three at night, and fragments of blankets cut for 


the arms, supplied the place of overcoats. Rations were often less than 
half allowance, and the country had to be scoured for flour, even as if 
among a hostile people. Sickness came on, and neither surgeons nor medi- 
cines were equal to the emergency. In the agony of a desperate yearning 
over his suffering troops, as if they came from his own loins, Washington 
appealed to Congress in terms of awful dignity and reproach. 

It seemed as if heaven was as brass above, and earth could give no 
solace. In the midst of this appalling scene of desolation, want, and woe, 
Washington did not weaken nor lose faith. The " Conway cabal" attacked 
his fame and conduct. It attempted to place Gates in his place as Com- 
mander-in-Chief, but spent its force, and its pliant tool took refuge in 

Washington was so persistent, while confident and magnanimous, that in 
January, 1778, a Committee of Congress visited Valley Forge, saw for them- 
selves, honored his motives and his actions, and pledged him full support. 
On February 27, 1778, Baron Frederick William Augustus Steuben, born 
in 1730 (and who lived until 1794), arrived, under appointment as Major- 
General and Inspector-General, and entered upon his work with a creative, 
executive, and personal ability and force, which converted the half-starving, 
worn, and weary men, into self-reliant, fearless, and earnest soldiers. His 
instructions, then issued, were formulated into regulations, which for many 
years had the official sanction of Congress, and were in force long after the 
Republic became truly independent. On April 4, 1778, Congress author- 
ized Washington to call upon Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia for 
5,000 militia. 

On the 9th of April, Howe was recalled to England. On the 10th of 
April, Lafayette rejoined the army after a short visit to France, and became 
at once a significant factor in the struggle. His appeals at the Court of 
that power had not been in vain. On the 9th of May formal tidings of a 
French alliance was borne to America by the frigate " La Sensible." A 
herald landed at Portland, Maine, and hurried, by relays of horses, to unfold 
the burden of his mission. It was as if the heavens had opened and revealed 
the assurance of Divine sympathy and support. 

Few days in human experience have been laden with such solemn les- 
sons and such profound gladness as that day expressed. The General-in- 
Chief of that army — and such an army ! — had shared their sorrows and their 
cares, had implored and almost imprecated the American Congress for their 
relief. He had inspected their rude hovels, had divided with them the 
headquarters' supplies, had besought Almighty God to inspire relief; had 
brought his wife to camp to share the fearful discomforts and animate the 


languishing soldiers by her charming presence ; and, in that very hour of 
most thrilling anxiety and distress, there was announced, by unmistakable 
assurance, the friendship and support of France. Swift as an electric pulsa- 
tion the news thrilled the camp. Every able-bodied man responded. 

At 9 o'clock A.M. the whole camp was under arms. The treaty of al- 
liance, by which France pledged her army and her navy to the support of 
American independence, was read before the assembled troops. On bended 
knees that mass of rudely equipped soldiers gave ear to the chaplain's invo- 
cation of Almighty aid in favor of their cause and this startling alliance, and 
with jubilant refrain they joined in that grand chorus, never to be lost by 
man — 

" Praise God, from whom all blessings flow !" 

Huzzas for "Louis XVI., King of France," for Washington and the Re- 
public, with hats high tossed in air, and a rattling fire of musketry through- 
out the line, completed the humble pageant. 

What did it matter that such a winter had come and passed ? The re- 
compense was equal to the faith of the commander and the trust of his 
comrade soldiers. A medal was struck in honor of the event. Louisville, 
Kentucky, received its name in honor of this friend of America. 


The horrors and privations, the discipline and the preparation which 
inspired the army to force Clinton to the issue at Monmouth are matters of 
record. They made the crisis of the revolutionary struggle ; they vindicate 
the strategy of the American Commander-in-Chief; they bind the early and 
later campaigns of that great war into one grand system of national activity 
for national life, and give to Valley Forge a key-position in the struggle, 
which makes the old mansion, the old mill with its little blacksmith's forge 
and the surrounding hills and amphitheatre, full of thronging memories to 
the glory of Washington and the men of his command. 

In the memory of that ordeal and its transcendent climax, which involves 
the final deliverance at Yorktown, the Americans must not forget to do 


honor to that royal woman who supported Lafayette in his appeals, and fell 
with her husband under the axe of the guillotine in 1793. 

Surely, the Fleur de lis of France and the memory of Louis and Marie 
Antoinette will ever have honor from Americans, while we tender our glad 
congratulations that the French Republic of our own times has achieved a 
place among the nations which neither royalty nor empire had before se- 
cured. Surely, in the fresh remembrance of her fraternity at the Yorktown 
celebration of 1881, we can renew our obligations for her services of a cen- 
tury ago. Thus does Valley Forge bring forth, as its brightest relief to all 
its tragedies and its sorrows, the keenest expression of our credit to France 
for her sympathy and aid. 




Time was when the subject indicated by the above title stirred the pa- 
triot's blood, while even to-day the bibliographer turns with no little inter- 
est to the volume entitled : 

M Free Thoughts, the Proceedings of the Continental Congress, Held 
at Philadelphia, Sept. 5, 1774 : Wherein their Errors are exhibited, their 
Reasonings Confuted, and the fatal Tendency of their Non-Importation, 
Non-Exportation, and Non-Consumption Measures, are laid open to the 
plainest Understanding ; and the Only Means pointed out For Preserving 
and Securing Our present Happy Constitution: in A Letter to the Farmers, 
and other inhabitants of North America In General, And to those of the 
Province of Nezu- York in Particular, By a Farmer. Hear vie, for I will 
speak. Printed in the year M.DCC.LXXIV." 

Upon the publication of this pamphlet of thirty-seven pages, signed " A. 
W. Farmer," with the date, " December 24, 1774," its authorship was at- 
tributed to the Rev. Samuel Seabury, Rector of St. Peter's, Westchester. 
This suspicion caused that respectable Tory clergyman's arrest by a party 
of people from New Haven, who showed him and his family great indignity, 
and carried him to New Haven, where he was held a prisoner, until released 
by an order from the Continental Congress. When apprehended, he was 
accused, among other things, of writing pamphlets " against the Liberties 
of America." To this charge he plead " not guilty," a plea which he was 
entitled to make. Still, under the guise of a plain Westchester farmer, he 
had attacked the Americans in bold terms. December 29th, 1776, writing 
to the Propagation Society, he says : " If I would have disavowed these 
publications, I should have been set at liberty in a few days ; but as I re- 
fused to declare whether I were, or were not, the author, they kept me." 
Finally, it being impossible to prove the authorship, he was set at liberty, 
and soon after he found it convenient to go inside the British lines, becom- 
ing a chaplain in the British service. The pamphlets were ably replied to 
in anonymous publications, supposed to emanate from John Jay or William 
Livingstone, while it eventually came to be believed that " A. W. Farmer" 
was none other than Isaac Wilkins. It has been so stated in such carefully 
prepared catalogues as that of the Library of the New York Historical 
Society. On the title-page of that Society's copy, written in with red ink, 
we find " I. Wilkins." How this notion came into existence the catalogues 


do not state. The authorship has also been attributed to Dr. Chandler and 
Dr. Inglis. As early, however, as 1797, the error was pointed out by the 
Rev. Jonathan Boucher, in a note on page 556 of his " Thirteen Discourses " 
on "the Causes and Consequences of the American Revolution," where he 
says, " See ' A View of the Controversy between Great Britain and her Col- 
onies, p. 25, by A. W. Farmer,' that is, by the late Bishop Seabury, of Con- 
necticut." Boucher adds, "The fate of the excellent author of this well- 
written piece, and several others of not inferior merit under the same sig- 
nature, might well discourage any man who attempts to serve the public, if 
animated only by hopes of temporal rewards. When a missionary in the 
service of the .Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, whilst 
the revolt was still in its infancy, he wrote several seasonable pieces, adapted 
to the capacities of the people, under the assumed character of a farmer. 
They were generally acknowledged to have done much good. But being 
attributed to another gentleman, he alone derived any advantage from them, 
for to him the British Government granted a handsome pension, whilst the 
real Author never received a farthing." 

Who the person was thus reaping the benefit Boucher does not say, and 
possibly he may have been in error respecting the ground upon which the 
pension was granted, though it is clear that Seabury's action before the 
Connecticut authorities opened the way for another claimant, while Wilkins 
has generally been pointed to by those who may have been unacquainted 
with Boucher's testimony. 

In " The Historical Magazine" (vol. x., 1866, p. 189) there are queries 
on the subject, and it is said by " L." that " Free Thoughts," etc., is attri- 
buted by Stevens, in his "American Nuggets," to Bishop Seabury; while 
the New York State Catalogue, with a query, gives Seabury the credit of 
the authorship of the pamphlet which follows " Free Thoughts," called " A 
View of the Controversy," etc., " by A. W. Farmer," in the catalogue (1856, 
p. 806), giving the authorship of both, with a third, to the Rev. Isaac Wil- 
kins. The Catalogue of the Athenaeum Library, Boston, leaves the author- 
ship between Wilkins and Seabury. The Carter Brown Catalogue makes 
the work the joint production of Seabury and Wilkins. In " The Historical 
Magazine" (1868, p. 9), Mr. Trumbull says that " the odium of authorship 
rested, in popular apprehension, on Dr. Myles Cooper, Isaac Wilkins, and 
Samuel Seabury," adding : " Mr. Dawson, whose judgment in a question 
Qf authorship is nearly infallible, ascribes the A. W. Farmer Pamphlets to 
Isaac Wilkins ; and in this I follow him as my sufficient authority, though 
my earlier impression was that Seabury had a principal part in their compo- 
sition." Later, Judge Shea, in his " Life of Hamilton " (p. 293), has pointed 


out that Seabury was the author, and has been followed by Dr. Beardsley 
in his " Life of Seabury " (p. 34) in the same view. In a paper before the 
New York Historical Society, in 1881, Prof. Moses Coit Tyler assigned the 
authorship to Seabury. We desire, therefore, to present in full the testi- 
mony upon which the claims of Seabury rest. The testimony is found in 
one of Seabury's own manuscripts, in the possession of his grandson, and it 
seems to settle the whole question. It appears that when the Revolutionary 
struggle approached, Mr. Seabury, in connection with his friends, Dr. Chand- 
ler, of New Jersey, and Dr. Inglis, Rector of Trinity Church, New York, 
agreed together to do all in their power, by means of the press, to prop up 
the failing cause of the King. In accordance with this arrangement, various 
publications were sent out, Seabury himself writing under the nom de plume 
of "A. W. Farmer," or a Westchester Farmer. The document in which 
he tells his story takes the form of a petition, this evidently being the first 
draft : 

To D. P. Coke Esq r ., J. Wilmot Esq r ., Col : Commissioners &*c. 

The memorial of Samuel Seabury, Doctor of Divinity, late Rector of West 
Chester in New York, and Missionary, &c : most respectfully sheweth, 

That your Memorialist was born in Connecticut, in the year 1729, and was the 
son of a Clergyman of the first reputation in that country : That in 1753 your me- 
morialist was ordained in England, admitted into the Service of the Society, & sent 
to reside at New Brunswick in New Jersey : That about this time periodical papers 
& essays began to be published in New York, tending to corrupt the principles of 
the people with regard to government, & to weaken their attachment to the Con- 
stitution of this Country both in Church & State. That a paper of this nature 
making its appearance, stiled the Watchtower, supposed to be written by Mr. Liv- 
ingston, the present Governor of New Jersey, & others, your memorialist did in 
conjunction with a number of his Brethren and friends write several essays & pa- 
pers in answer to the Watchtower with a view to prevent the ill effects it might have 
on the minds of the people. 

That some years after when it was evident from continual publications in News- 
papers, & from the uniting of all the jarring interests of the Independents & 
Presbyterians from Massachusetts bay to Georgia ; under Grand committees & 
Synods that some mischievous scheme was meditated against the Church of England 
& the British government in America your memorialist did enter into an agree- 
ment with the Rev' 1 Dr. T. B. Ch then of Eliz. Town New Jersey & with the Rev d 

Dr. Inglis the present Rector of Trinity Church in the City of New York, to watch 
all publications either in Newspapers or pamphlets, & to obviate the evil influence 
of such as appeared to have a bad tendency by the speediest answers : That your 


Memorialist faithfully and steadily acted in conjunction with the above named gen- 
tlemen to the time of his leaving New York : That he and his two associates bore 
the whole weight of the controversy with the American Whig, which continued near 2 
years : That this paper was the immediate forerunner of the late Rebellion ; and 

pointed out to the Americans a separation from G B the rise of an Ame r 

Empire and the fall of the British Empire & government. That none of these 
mischievous papers went unanswered : and your memorialist & his friends had the 
satisfaction of seeing & knowing that their antagonists were silenced, &, in the 
estimation of the public, written down : 

That when the late commotions in America began, your Memorialist lived at 
Westchester in the then Province of New York & was, though not in wealthy, yet 
in easy circumstances, & supported a large family, viz. : a wife & six children com- 
fortably and decently : That his income was at least 200^ Sterl p r ann. arising from 
his Parish, Glebe & from a grammar School in which he had more than 20 young 
Gentlemen, when the rebellion began. 

That perceiving matters were taking a most serious & alarming turn, your Me- 
morialist thought it his duty to exert his utmost abilities & influence in support of that 
government under which he lived, to which he had sworn obedience & which he 
loved and revered. That He therefore from the beginning opposed the election of 
all committees & Congresses — in pursuance of which object he rode many days in 
the county of Westchester, that he assembled the friends of government and at their 
head opposed the lawless meetings & measures of the disaffected. That at one time 
in conjunction with his friend Isaac Wilkins Esq r . he assembled near 400 friends of 
Government at the Whiteplains, who openly opposed & protested against any Con- 
gress, Convention or Committee, & who were determined if possible to support the 
legal government of their country : That their proceeding, & protest were published 
in M r Rivington's Gazette, & there was no way of getting rid of such an opposition, 
but for the disaffected in New York to send for an armed force from Connecticut into 
the County of Westchester, which they did & under its power carried all their points 
— That in confirmation of these facts, your Memorialist begs leave to refer in par- 
ticular to Col. Ja 3 De Lancey (No. 5 Edw d Street) who was present at several of 
these meetings, & to whom your Memorialist's conduct & situation at Westchester 
are well known. 

That while your Memorialist was thus employing his personal influence in his 
own county, he was not inattentive to the engagement he had entered into with Dr 8 
C. & I., nor to the obligations of duty which he owed to his King & Country — but 
published a pamphlet entitled Free thoughts on the proceedings of the Congress at 
Philadelphia very soon after the first Congress broke up, & had shown by their adopt- 
ing the Suffolk resolves that they had entered into a deep scheme of rebellion which 
pamphlet he addressed to the Farmers 6° landholders, intending to point out in a 
way accomodated to their comprehension, the destructive influence that the meas- 
ures of the Congress if pursued, would have on the farmers & the labouring part of 


the Community. That as no pamphlet at that period seems to have given the re- 
publicans more uneasiness than this, several answers to it were published ; which 
obliged your memorialist to write another pamphlet in support of it called the Con- 
gress Canvassed, previous to which he had published an Address to the Merchants 
of New York, in which he endeavored to convince them of the evil tendency of the 
non-importation & non-exportation agreements & that their happiness & true inter- 
ests depended on their connection with & subordination to G. B.— That at the 
Meeting of the next assembly he published an alarm to the Legislature of New York 
— in which he endeavored to show that by adapting & establishing the proceedings 
of the Congress as most other assemblies had done, they would betray the rights & 
liberties of their constituents, set up a new sovereign power in the Province & 
plunge it into the horrors of rebellion & civil war. 

That your Memorialist had also personal interviews of at least one third of the 
members of that house, with whom he was well acquainted, just before their meeting. 
How far his writings or conversations had any influence he presumes not to say. 
The assembly, however, rejected the proceedings of the Congress, & applied to the 
King & Parliament by Petition & Memorial. These several pamphlets were pub- 
lished under the signature of A. W. Farmer, & that they were written by your 
Memorialist, he refers to the certificates of Dr. M. Cooper, hereunto annexed, & to 
the testimony of Dr. Chandler & I. That your Memorialist soon became suspected 
of writing in support of legal government, & on that account & on account of his 
having acted openly in its support in the County of Westchester, he became one 
of the first objects of revenge ; & so early as April, 1775, a friend sending his son to 
acquaint him that a body of New England troops, then at Rye, 15 miles from his 
house, intended to sieze him & Isaac Wilkins Esq. member for Westchester, that 
very night they were obliged to retire for some time. Mr. Wilkins did not return 
home but soon embarked for England. 

That after some time your memorialist hearing no further threat ventured home, 
& continued unmolested though occasionally reviled by particular people for not 
paying obedience to the order of Congress enjoyning fast days &c untill the 19 th of 
Nov" 1 1775, when an armed force of 100 horsemen came from Connecticut to his 
House & not finding him at home they beat his children to oblige them to tell where 
their father was — which not succeeding they searched the neighborhood & took him 
from his school, & with much abusive language carried him in great tryumph to New 
Haven, 70 miles distant, where he was paraded through most of the Streets, & their 
success celebrated by firing cannon &c. That at New Haven he was confined un- 
der a military guard & keepers for six weeks, during which time they endeavored to 
fix the publication of A. W. Far?ners pamphlets on him which failing, & some of 
the principal people in that country disapproving their conduct your memorialist 
was permitted to return home, where he remained in tolerable quiet till the next 
spring ; That he suffered much both from insult & the loss of property by the parties 
of recruits who were almost daily passing through his parish to New York. 


This document, bearing every evidence of truthfulness, may properly set 
at rest the long-disputed question of the identity of "A. W. Farmer." 
The " Free Thoughts" of Seabury, as indicated, excited the bitterest feel- 
ing. It was reprinted in London, 1775, "for Richardson & Urquhart, at 
the Royal Exchange." 

Mr. Trumbull says, that " when copies of these pamphlets fell into the 
hands of the Whigs, they were disposed of in such a manner as most em- 
phatically to express detestation of the anonymous authors and their senti- 
ments. Sometimes they were publicly burned with imposing formality ; 
sometimes decorated with tar and feathers [from the Turkey-buzzard, as 
' the fittest emblem of the author's odiousness'] and nailed to the whipping- 
post." Rivington, the publisher of " Free Thoughts," gives, in his Gazette 
of January 12, 1775, an account of the burning of a copy of the book by 
the '• Sons of Liberty," who, as his paragraph intimates, were often little 
better than the Sons of Belial, however full they may have been of patriot- 
ism. The account runs : " We can assure the public that at a late meeting of 
exotics, stiled the sons of liberty, in this city, the pamphlet entitled Far- 
mer A. W.'s View of the Controversy between Great Britain and the 
Colonies, &c, published last week by Mr. Rivington, was introduced by one 
of the mushrooms, and after a few pages had been read to the company, 
they agreed, nem. con. to commit to the flames, without the benefit of 
clergy, tho' many, very many indeed, could neither read nor write ; how- 
ever their common executioner immediately threw it into the fire, where it 
was consumed, and its spiritual part ascended in vapour, to the upper 
regions ; whither not one of the company durst aspire, even in idea." 

Such were the happy opinions which, in those days, men of political 
parties entertained of one another. When, however, the unpleasantness 
with the mother country was over, many an individual found that he did 
not hate his opponent half so much as he supposed, and as often he felt 
piously bound to do, and hence Seabury finally returned to the land where 
he had suffered so much for (political) conscience sake, becoming a cher- 
ished citizen, a warm friend of our institutions, and a shining light in a 
Church which has ever since proved one of the strongest bulwarks of the 



A most unexpected document has turned up to confirm the originality 
of the large Mapamundi in Rome, made by Hieronimus de Verrazano, and 
of which photographs were obtained for the American Geographical Society 
in 1 87 1. This map-maker, from documents preserved in Rouen, France, 
proves to be the brother of Janus, whose name, thus latinized, appears at the 
foot of the French document of 1526, and also with the Carli copy of the 
letter of 1524 in the Strozzi Collection in Florence. This fact alone went 
far to prove the letter genuine. But M. Desimoni, who has written an able 
essay on the Cabots and two on the subject of Verrazano, now comes out 
with a third one on the much-disputed voyage along our coasts in 1524. 
On his return from the recent Geographical Congress in Venice, he re-ex- 
amined some old maps in the Ambrosian Library in Milan, when the Pre- 
fetto, the Abbe Circani, showed him that a large Mapamundi composed by 
Vesconte de Maiollo, of Genoa, was dated 1527, and not 1587, as he had be- 
fore read it. Vesconte's maps, of which fourteen are now known, are dated 
1504 to 1549. Three sons and a grandson, with other Christian names, car- 
ried on the map business until 1644. There can be no doubt as to the date 
of this map, and a rough tracing of it was taken by M. Desimoni, and the 
coast names were carefully copied as far as the soiled old parchment would 
allow. These names are given in the new essay, with those of the map by 
Hieronimus, and the globe by Vlpius, preserved in the New York Historical 
Society collections. Those on the map by Maiollo correspond so nearly 
with the ones on the map in Rome, that they conclusively point to an origi- 
nal model not now known to exist. We have not the space here to devote 
to the minute comparison made by M. Desimoni, but the interesting fact 
that a map made in 1527 from other than Spanish authority is enough to 
confute the elaborate theory advanced in 1875 by Mr. Murphy. Mr. R. H. 
Major pointed out in 1876 the fallacy of many of Mr. Murphy's arguments 
and conclusions, but these are now radically overthrown by the early exist- 
ence of the map in Milan. We shall return to this subject again. 





BOSTON, 1775-76 

Extracts from the Diary of Lieutenant- Colonel 
Experience Storrs, of General Put n ant's 
Regiment, Connecticut Troops. Original in 
possession of Charles Storrs, Esq., Brooklyn, 

[Colonel Storrs was a native of Mans- 
field Centre, Conn. ; received a liberal 
education, and often represented his 
town in the General Assembly. Soon 
after the Lexington alarm he marched for 
Boston with a company of ninety-three 
men, enlisted from Mansfield alone. It 
will be noticed that he states very posi- 
tively that Putnam had the general com- 
mand on Bunker Hill. The discussion 
on this point seems to have established 
the fact that he was not at Prescott's re- 
doubt during the attack, but was in the 
vicinity or actively engaged in hurrying 
on reinforcements. The diary shows that 
he was busy during the following night as 

June 13 th [1775]. Set our men to mak- 
ing cartridges. 

16 th Expecting an Engagement soon. 
— P. M. Orders came for drafting 31 
men from my company, and y e same from 
all y e companies belonging to Connecti- 
cut. Sent off Lieut. Dana, Serg*. Fuller, 
Corporal Webb and 28 Privates, who at 
8 o'clock went down to Bunker's Hill, 
together with a large detachment of y e 
Troops of this Province — where they 
flung up an entrenchment. 

17 th . At sunrise this morning a fire 
began from y e ships, but moderate. 
About 10 went down to y e Hill to Gen 1 

Putnam's Post, who has y* command. 
Some shot whistled around us. Tarried 
there a spell and Returned to have my 
company in readiness to relieve them — 
One killed & 1 wounded, when I came 
away. About 2 o'clock there was a 
brisk cannonade from y e ships on y e 

Battery or Entrenchment. At orders 

came to turn out immediately, and that 
the Regulars were landing at sundry 
places. Went to Head Quarters for our 

Regimental . Received orders to 

repair with our Regiment to No. 1, and 
defend it. No enemy appearing — orders 
soon came that our People at the Intrench- 
ment were retreating and for us to secure 
y e retreat. Immediately marched for their 
relief. The Regulars did not come off 
from Bunker's Hill but have taken pos- 
session of the Intrenchments and our 
People make a Stand on Winter Hill and 
we immediately went to entrenching. 
Flung up by morning an entrenchment 
about 100 feet square. Done principally by 
our Regiment under Putnam's direction. 
Had but little sleep the night. 

19 th . Have lost in y e fight 2 men 
— Math w Cummings and Philip Johnston 
killed at the breastwork — 7 wounded — 
none I hope mortally. The action was 
rather precipitate — the entrenchment 
exposed to the fire of all y° ships and 
in a place where the enemy landed their 
men under y e cover of the cannon from 
the ships, and the Post not sufficiently 
guarded. They forced the entrenchment 
without much difficulty 

26 th . We hear a Chief Officer is ap- 
pointed — a Gen 1 Washington of Virginia 
to supercede in the command of y 6 
Troops here. 



Extracts from Private Letters of Captain John 

Chester, Spencers Connecticut Regiment. 

Original in possession of Rev. John Chester, 

D. 1)., Washington, D. C. 

[Captain Chester went to the war with 
a full company from Wethersfield, Conn., 
distinguished himself at Bunker Hill, was 
promoted Major, and in 1776 appeared 
as Colonel of a Connecticut State Regi- 
ment in the campaign around New York. 
He was at the Battle of Long Island and 
White Plains and in the Jersey retreat.] 

Camp at Roxbury, Aug. 28, 1775 
. . . Last Saturday night a Large Party 
of 1000 working men and 3000 more as a 
Covering party, under the Command of 
Major Gen 1 Lee, advanced from Prospect 
Hill, or Plowed Hill (as they call it) full 
Half way to Bunker Hill. They work d 
most notably by all ace 1 , and got under 
cover before morning. When the enemy 
discovered them, they began a Cannonade, 
which lasted all Day long. I suppose 
above three hundred shots and Bombs 
were sent. I have not been able to Learn 
that they Killed more than two of our peo- 
ple — one an adjutant in Col. Vernon's 
[Varnum's, R. I.] Reg', the other I do 
not know, an Indian. Two or three 
wounded, among whom is a Gen' Volun- 
teer from Virginia. A Ball hit him on the 
Heel and ancle & so shattered his Bones 
that the Surgeon cut off his Leg about four 
Inches below his Knee. — Aug. 30 th . The 
poor fellow is since dead, the others not 
dangerously wounded. 

Every Day since we have had more or 
less cannonading. The matter did not 
disturb us at Roxbury, so but that we 
went to Church, &c, as usual, and yet 
not a canon was fired or Bomb Broke, 
but what we Could see from our encamp- 

ment. We expected every moment when 
the King's troops would have advanced 
on us, but they durst not. Their Light 
Horse were Paraded, with a Great Show, 
but nothing done as to coming out. We 
at Roxbury have been advancing this 
same time. When you was here we had 
a slight Gabion Battery across the Road, 
100 Rods on this side the George tavern. 
That was our most advanced work then, 
& where the main Guard used to be 
& is still posted. & is out of sight of 
the enemy. Since that we have intrenched 
in their sight about 100 Rods South East of 
that, but Lately have advanced North 
East, and begun a Long intrenchment Just 
by the Burying Yard, & continued it along 
to the North Eastward, on a Rising Ground 
just out of the marsh, till it comes to the 
east end of Lamb's Dam, which is further 
advanced (I believe) than the George 
tavern. We have frequently rec d shots 
while at work but not till we got under 
cover (for we always begin in the night) 
& so they have killed none of us. We 
keep a large piquet guard by Lambs 
Damm every Night not less usually than 
400, and the main Guard hard by. 

Two Connecticutt Masters of Vessels 
have lately come out of Boston. They 
were taken by the Rascally Royal Pirates. 
They say that Gen 1 Howe, who commands 
on Bunker Hill, swears he will not be 
popt at forever (Rifles) for nothing, but 
that he will come out & have Prospect 
& Winter Hills in his possession, if it 
Costs him his Life, and f ths of his men. 
A poor Blackguard — he durst not attempt 
it! unless he is reinforced strongly. These 
Captains say they are not more than 4,000 
strong, but I suspect they are mis- 
taken. . . . 



Sept. 20. 

Yesterday and Day before We had 
plenty of Cannon Shot from the enemy. 
They have Kill d nobody on our side. 
They have however done what they 
never could do before & what we 
thought they never could do, viz. — sent 
a Ball Both days thro: the room where 
the Officers of the Main Guard lie. 
Monday 8 Clock just after relief of 
Guard as the Cap* was reading his 
Orders to his Subalterns a ball came 
within 18 inches of his head drove the 
Lime into his eyes nose mouth & Ears — 
The poor fellow is almost blind and tho 
he did not conceive himself much hurt 
& refused to be relieved yet he grew 
delirious in y e afternoon, but I hear he 
is now much better again. Every Night 
for this 4 Nights past more or less have 
escaped from Boston or from the Ships 
4, 5, and 6 in a Night, mostly men that 
have been pressed from vessels lately 
taken of which are a Great number 
I'm told from Connecticut. — I have got 
into my new mess. But it costs Money 
to shillings per week will hardly clear us. 

. . . I expect a bluster from our 
enemy next Fryday the King's Corona- 

Sat. Sept. 23 d 1775 

. . . The cannonading yesterday 
was with powder only. They fired from the 
Commons 25, from Cops Hill & Bunker 
Hill I could not count, nor from the ships, 
but they remained peaceable all Day. 
This morning they sent 2 Balls at our 
nearest fort which our people returned 
soon after at the relief y* was coming 
out from their Works. This so enraged 
them y* they have given us the heaviest 
Cannonade since Bunker Hill fight. 

They sent 108 Shotts in an hour & an 
half. You'll be surprised to hear that 
not a man is Killed & but one slightly 
hurt by a piece of wood the ball hit and 
sent at him. What is still more surpris- 
ing they began just as our main Guard 
were mustering on the Grand parade 
near y e Church (where they sent 3 of their 
Balls) & continued firing at or near the 
Guard house & fort continually while 
they were relieving. Both old & new 
Guards consisted of 400 men Besides Of- 

Camp in Roxbury Oct 2 nd 1775 

I was disappointed to hear of your 
selection of officers in the manner you 

relate, tho I expected to hear would 

frett. But these things do not last long. 
Now is a time for every one to be above 
these little nice punctilios in military 
preferment & shew to the world that we 
are all Glad to serve our Countray in any 
capacity they shall place us in. . . 

Dec. 3 rd 

You've heard of our fine prize lately 
taken. Gen 1 Gates says he could not 
have made out a better invoice if he had 
tried than we have taken. Our Priva- 
teers catch them often. You'll want a 
list of the Articles taken. I cannot re- 
member them all but there is 31 Tons of 
Musquet Ball, 25 Tons of Buck Shott, 10 
Tons Shells fill d with powder 20 Tons 
of Cannon Shott from 24 to 1 2200 
Stands of the finest Arms the Barrels 
rather shorter than the present King's arms 
and y e Bayonetts 2% feet long in Shape of 
a Long Sword, 18 Cannon Carriages from 
24 to 12 pounders — 3 Brass Mortars — one 
of 1 5 Inch and a variety of other apparatus 
even down to thread to make catridges 
with. The largest mortar is fixed at 



Cambridge in its bed. Gen. Putnam 
has Christened it the Congress. — They 
have Scratched out the Last Letter of G. 
R., and put G. W. for G. Washington. 

Cambridge, Feb. 13 — 1776. 

Yesterday the Generals went on to 
Dorchester Hill & point to view & plan 
out the works to be done there, Knox 
and Gridley were with them. — Their plan 
I cannot as yet find out. — Gen. Putnam 
says Gridley laid out works enough for 
our whole army for two years if the frost 
was to continue in that time & in short 
thinks we cannot do much to purpose 
there while the frost is in y e ground. 
Something droll Happen 'd as they were 
on the Point & within call of the Enemy. 
They observed two officers on full speed 
on Horses from the Old to the New 
lines & concluded they were about to 
order the Artillery levelled at them. Just 
that instant they observed a fellow De- 
serting from us to them. This set em all 
a running & Scampering for life except 
the lame Col. Gridley & Putnam who 
never runs & tarried to wait on Gridley. 
They had left their Horses -£ a mile back 
& feard the Enemy might attempt to en- 
compass them. 

Sunday night as Putnam was passing 
by Colledge and on the west side the 
street, a Centry hail d from the far part of 
the Colledge Yard. He could not think 
he called to him as he had y* moment 
pass d one & given y e Co r Sign & was just 
that minute hailed by another. However 
the Centry in y e Yard not finding an 
answer up & fired as direct as he could 
at the Gen 1 which providentially escaped 
him tho' he heard the ball whistle. 

Great complaints are here made by y e 

Gen ls of the want of Powder, which im- 
pedes everything — they think y l even the 
town stocks ought to be delivered up to 
the army, for if we can do nothing here 
this season, forty limes the quantity in 
the Country will be of no Service when 
the reinforcements arrive from England. 
If we can rout this Hornest Nest now we 
have everything to hope, if not we've 
every thirg to fear. The cause is Gen- 
eral & Common. Why should Distant 
Colonies & towns carry on a Distinct 
War & lay out for a distinct defence? 
You need not fear to Drive on the Salt 
Petre works vigorously. Pray how go on 
the Powder Mills — We shall want their 
most vigorous exertions soon. They'll 
do us no good comparatively Six months 

Roxbury Camp, Feb. 27 — 1776. 
. . You may prepare yourself to 
hear news of some kind or other from this 
quarter — God send it to be good news — 
Night before last a number of heavy can- 
non &c. were carried on to Lechmore 
point. A bomb Battery is erecting there 
as well as on the East of Lamb's Dam. 
We have 3 thirteen inch Mortars & 8 or 
10 of a Lesser size, as well as a number 
of Hoitzers. Unhappy for us we are 
aback with regard to bombs. 

Diary of Lieutenant- Colonel Fisher Gay. Ori- 
ginal in possession of Mr. Julius Gay, Far- 
mington, Conn. 

[Colonel Gay went to Boston from 
Connecticut with reinforcements, under 
Colonel Erastus Wolcott, toward the 
close of the siege. In 1776 he com- 
manded a State regiment, was taken sick 
in camp, at New York, and died on the 
day of the Battle of Long Island.] 



Feby. 2. 1776 — Set off for headquarters 
to join the army under command of Gen- 
eral Washington before Boston and ar- 
rived at Roxbury 6 th of said month. Sta- 
tioned at Roxbury with the regiment I 
belonged to and quartered at Mr. Wy- 
man's with Colonel Wolcot and Mr. Per- 
ry. Was sent for by General Washington 
to wait on his Excellency 13 th of said 
month and was ordered by the General 
to go to Connecticut to purchase all the 
gunpowder I could. 

Went to Providence and from thence 
to Lebanon to Governor Trumbull where 
I obtained 2 tun of the Governor and 
then to New London to Mr. Imamford 
and obtained of him an order on Messrs. 
Clark & Nightingill in Providence and re- 
turned to camp the 19 th and made report 
to the General to his great satisfaction. 

20 th . Took Rhubarb and worked well. 

21 st . Sergeant Maggot died, in Cap- 
tain Hart's Company. 

24 th . Went to Cambridge and Water- 

26 th . Unwell by a bad cold and sore 
throat. Was Officer of the day and very 
much fatigued going the rounds at night. 
Returned and got to bed about 3 o'clock 
in the morning. 

27 th . Returned at 9 o'clock and made 
report to General Ward — being so un- 
well Major Brewer carried it for me. 
hard sick with the pleurisy and got to 
bed sweating and came on an alarm and 
reported that the regulars had got on 
Dorchester. I turned out and on with 
my boots to join the regiment although 
advised not by Mr. Perry and others. 
It happened to be a false alarm. The 
doctor came in and blooded me and 
sweat at night and physicked the next 

day. Nothing material more. Our peo- 
ple began cannonading the town of Bos- 
ton the 2 nd day of March at evening 1 1 
o'clock. Continued Sabbath and Mon- 
day evening nights. Monday evening I 
went on to Dorchester Hill with the regi- 
ment as a covering party. 2500 men 
sent on and were relieved on the morn- 
ing of the 5 th by 3000 men. That night 
we throwed up 2 forts on 2 advantageous 
hills. The enemy made an attempt on 
the 6 th at evening to come out to dis- 
possess us of our forts and drive us off 
the hill. The wind proved contrary and 
we continued fortifying until Saturday 
evening — that is 10 th we went to go on 
Nook point to fortify. The enemy pre- 
vented by fireing about 1200 cannon. 
They killed 4 men for us with one cannon 
ball. I had the command of 400 men 
at Castle Point. Providence so ordered 
that I was out of the way of danger from 
any other quarter only from the Castle. 

Sabbath morning had orders from Gen- 
eral Thomas to return to head quarters. 
There saw the 4 dead men. Came off 
the hill at evening. I commanded a 
party of 400 men at the Castle. 

1 i th . — Colonel Wolcott on the Hill— 
An alarm in the morning. I ordered the 
regiment to meet before the Colonel's 
door after Prayers. I marched them off 
with Major Chester. Near the alarm 
post found instead of going to action the 
enemy had abandoned Boston. 500 
troops ordered immediately. Ordered to 
march into and take possession of the for- 
tifications in Boston. Colonel Learnard, 
my self, Majors Sprout and Chester with 
a number of other officers and troops 
marched in and took possession and tar- 
ried there till the 19 th at night : then re- 



turned to Camp at Roxbury. Never 
people more glad at the departure of an 
enemy and to see friends. 

The following Warrant copied from the origi- 
nal MS. relates to the enemy's employment of 
civilians during the siege. 

By His Excellency The Honorable Wil- 
liam Howe, Major General, and Com- 
mander in Chief of all His Majesty's 
Forces within the Colonies laying on the 
Atlantic Ocean from Nova Scotia to West 
Florida inclusive &c &c &c. 

You are hereby directed and required 
out of such Monies as are, or shall come 
to your Hands, for the Contingent or Ex- 
traordinary Expenses of His Majesty's 
Forces under my Command, to Pay, or 
cause to be Paid, to Lieutenant Robert 
Lindsey of His Majesty's 22 d Regiment 
of Foot, or his assigns, without Deduction 
the sum of Two Hundred and Four Pounds, 
Sixteen Shillings and Six Pence Sterling, 
Being for Pay of a Company of Labourers 
and Negroes under the direction of Lieu- 
tenant Lindsey, by order of the Com- 
mander in Chief, between the 16th Sep- 
tember and 30th December, 1775, as P r 
the annexed Accompt; the Vouchers for 
which are Lodged with Lieutenant Robert 
Lindsey of His Majesty's 22 d Regiment 
of Foot, And for so doing, this, with the 
acquittance of the said Lieutenant Robert 
Lindsey or his Assigns, shall be your suf- 
ficient Warrant and Discharge. 
To Jno. Garnier Esq r> ) Given under my 
Deputy Paymaster | Hand at Head- 
General of HisMaj- V Quarters in Bos- 
esty's Forces in | ton this 31 st Day 
Boston. j of Dec. 1775. 

W. Howe. 
By His Excellency's Command, 
Robert Mackenzie. 

[The account of pay is for " a Com- 
pany of Labourers & Negroes under the 
direction of Lieutenant Lindsay, by Or- 
der of the Commander in Chief. Com- 
mencing 16 th Sept r & Ending 30 th Dec r 
1 775-" The company was composed of 
1 officer, 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, 27 men, 
6 women and 35 negroes — the three latter 
classes receiving pay alike, or 9 pence 
each person, per day.] 

The following from manuscript is com- 
municated by J. Carson Brevoort, LL. D. 
It is of interest, as showing the active 
character of Benedict Arnold, who was 
always foremost in word and deed, though 
the declaration can hardly take rank as a 
preliminary Declaration of Independence, 
using the terms in their generally accept- 
ed political sense. Independence was 
not the particular thing aimed at at the 
outset, and hence the people of New York 
contemplated holding the cannon cap- 
tured at Ticonderoga, May 10th, as a 
precaution, until such a time as the diffi- 
culties with the mother country might be 
adjusted. This declaration by Arnold 
doubtless shows the average sentiment of 
the country, which asked only for those 
rights guaranteed by the British Constitu- 
tion. Two days after this declaration 
was signed, the Battle of Bunker Hill was 
fought, but even then the hope of recon- 
ciliation with the mother country was not 
abandoned. Though one of those, who, 
in this Declaration, resolve " never to 
become slaves," Arnold at last became a 
mere chattel, and sacrificed himself for a 
price. Arnold was extremely popular 
with the people in the neighborhood, who, 
on the third of the July following, to the 



number of nearly five hundred, presented 
him with an address of thanks for his ser- 
vices. William Gilliland, one of the 
signers of the following declaration, in a 
petition which he presented to Congress, 
claimed to have been the first person to 
suggest the capture of Ticonderoga. 

Crown Point, 15 June 1775 

A General Association, agreed to, Sub- 
scribed by the Freeholders, Freemen, 
and Inhabitants of the Province of New 

Persuaded that the Salvation of the 
Rights and Liberties of America, depends 
under God, on the firm Union of its In- 
habitants in a Vigorous Prosecution of 
the measures necessary for its Safety, and 
Convinced of the Necessity of preventing 
the Anarchy and Confusion which attend 
a Dissolution of the Powers of Govern- 

We, the Freeman Freeholders, and 
Inhabitants of the Province of New 
York, being greatly alarmed at the 
avowed Design of the Ministry to raise a 
Revenue in America ; and Shocked by 
the bloody Scene now acting in the Mas- 
sachusetts Bay, Do in the most solemn 
Manner Resolve, never to become Slaves ; 
and do Associate under all the Ties of 
Religion, Honour, and Love to our 
Country, to Adopt and endeavour to carry 
into Execution whatever Measures may 
be Recommended by the Continental 
Congress ; or Resolved Upon by our 
Provincial Convention, for the purpose of 
preserving our Constitution, and oppos- 
ing the Execution of the Several Arbitrary 
and oppressive Acts of the British Parlia- 
ment ; Untill a Reconciliation Between 
Great Britain and America on Constitu- 
tional Principles which we most Ardently 

Desire can be obtained ; and that we will 
in all things follow the Advice of our 
General Committee Respecting the pur- 
poses aforesaid. The Preservation of 
Peace and Good Order and the Safety of 
Individuals and private property 
Benedict Arnold Josh Franklin 

Ebenr Marvin David Mcintosh, 

Jonathan Brown 4- his mark 

George Palmer Ebenezer Hyde 

Dirck Swart Samuel Wright 

Robt Lewis Ezra Buell 

Thos Heywood James Noble 

Hugh Whyte John Watson jr 

John Cobham Thos Sparham 

Martin Marvin Chas. Graham junr 

Wells Will: Gilliland 

John Grant Zadok Everest 

Moses Martin Benj. Kellogg 

W m - Satterlee David Vallance 

Saml Keep Elisha Painter 

Francis Moor Isaac Hitchcock 



The first volume of the second series 
of the Maine Historical Society's publica- 
tions contains much in relation to the 
Cosmographie Universelle, a ponderous 
and somewhat scarce work, in two great 
folio volumes, the production of the men- 
dacious monk, Andre Thevet. Dr. Kohl, 
the author of the Society's volume, had 
little faith in Thevet, but, in his desire to 
lend interest to the history of Maine, he 
employed the narrative, the matter being 
rendered worse by his editors, who made 
him responsible for serious blunders, which 
were commented upon in "The Northmen 
in Maine," published in 1870, when ex- 



tracts from Thevet's work appeared. The 
reader, however, may be interested by 
a complete translation of what the monk 
wrote concerning New England and part 
of Canada. In some things Thevet is 
quite correct, as he clearly obtained 
more or less information from navigators 
who had visited the region in question. 
Ignorant of the fact that the aboriginal 
language of New England was not the 
language of the Canadian tribes, Thevet 
helped himself to the vocabulary of Car- 
tier, and put strange words in the mouths 
of the savages of Maine. The general 
discussion of Thevet's pretentions as an 
explorer of New England are discussed 
in (i The Northmen in Maine," where this 
subject is concluded (p. 79) with the re- 
mark, " In connection with the period 
referred to, Dr. Kohl has not yet shown 
one authentic paragraph to shed light 
upon that romantic coast." At the end 
of twelve years this statement stands true. 
Thevet professes that he sailed from Rio 
Janeiro to France by the way of Florida, 
coasting North America far up into the 
frozen regions, sailing thence to the 
Azores, which certainly was a slightly 
circuitous route for a navigator to take. 
Our translation commences at the close 
of his description of Florida, the narra- 
tive being of value, as illustrating the then 
current knowledge of France respecting 
New England, to which region, in his 
first account, we are transported with a 
stroke of the pen. Without making the 
slightest account of Cape Cod, the ancient 
Cabo de Baxos, he sails into Penobscot 
Bay, and shows us the Camden Hills, the 
Montana Verde^ or Green Mountains, of 
the old maps, which he could consult any- 
where in France. Thevet goes over the 

subject twice, having more general infoi 
mation to give in his second account. 

[Cosmographie Universelle, 1575, ii. folio, 100S. ) 
Having left La Florida on the left 
hand, with all its islands, gulfs, and capes, 
a river presents itself, which is one of 
the finest rivers in the world, which we 
call " Norumbegue," and the aborigines 
" Aggoncy," and which is marked on some 
marine charts as the Grand River. Sev- 
eral other beautiful rivers enter into it, 
and upon its banks the French formerly 
erected a little fort about ten or twelve 
leagues from its mouth, which was sur- 
rounded by fresh water, and this place 
was named the Fort of Norumbegue. 
Some pilots would make believe that 
this Norombeguien country is the proper 
country of Canada ; but 1 told them that 
this was far from the truth, since this 
country lies in 43 N., and that of Can- 
ada in 50 or 5 2 . Before you enter the 
said river, appears an island surrounded 
by eight very small islets, which are near 
the country of the green mountains and 
to the cape of the islets. Hence you 
sail all along unto the mouth of the river, 
which is dangerous from the great num- 
ber of thick and high rocks ; and its en- 
trance is wonderfully large. About three 
leagues into the river an island presents 
itself to you, that may have four leagues 
in circumference, inhabited only by some 
fishermen and birds of different sorts, 
which island they call "Aiayascon," be- 
cause it has the form of a man's arm, 
which they call so. Its greatest length is 
from north to south. It would be very easy 
to plant on this island, and build a for- 
tress on it to keep in check the whole sur- 
rounding country. Having landed and 



put our feet on the adjacent country, we 
perceived a great mass of people coming 
down upon us from all sides in such num- 
bers that you might have supposed them 
to have been a flight of starlings. Those 
which marched first were the men, which 
they call " Aquehuns ; " after them came 
the women, which they call "Peragruas- 
tas ; " then the " Adegestas," being the 
children ; and the last were the girls, 
called " Aniasgestas." And all this peo- 
ple was clothed in skins of wild animals, 
which they call "Rabatatz." Now con- 
sidering their aspect and manner of pro- 
ceeding, we mistrusted them, and went 
on board our vessel. But they, perceiv- 
ing our fear, lifted their hands into the 
air, making signs that we should not mis- 
trust them ; and for making us still more 
sure, they sent to our vessel some of 
their principal men, which brought us 
provisions. In recompense of this, we 
gave them a few trinkets of a low price, 
by which they were highly pleased. The 
next morning I, with some others, was 
commissioned to meet them, and to know 
whether they would be inclined to fur- 
nish us with more victuals, of which we 
were very much in need. But having 
entered into the house, which they call 
Canoque, of a certain little king of theirs, 
which called himself " Peramich," we 
saw several dead animals hanging on 
the beams of the said house, which he 
had prepared (as he assured us) to send 
to us. This chief gave us a very hearty 
welcome, and to show us his affection, he 
ordered a fire to be kindled, which they 
call " Azista," on which the meat was to 
be put and fish to be roasted. Upon this 
some rogues came in to bring to the 
king the heads of six men which they had 

taken in war and massacred, which terri- 
fied us, fearing that they might treat us 
in the same way. But toward evening 
we secretly retired to our ship without 
bidding good-by to our host. At this he 
was very much irritated, and came to us 
the next morning accompanied by three 
of his children, showing a mournful 
countenance, because he thought that 
we had been dissatisfied with him ; and 
he said in his language : " Cazigno, Cazi- 
gno Casnoiiy danga addagrin" (that is, 
let us go, let us go on land, my friend 
and brother) ; " Coaquoca Ame Couascon 
Kazaconny " (come to drink and to eat 
what we have) ; " Area somioppach Quen- 
chia dangua ysmay assomaha " (we as- 
sure you upon oath by heaven, earth, 
moon, and stars, that you shall fare not 
worse than our own persons). Seeing 
the good affection and will of this old 
man, some twenty of us went again on 
land, every one of us with his arms ; and 
then we went to his lodgings, where we 
treated, and presented with what he pos- 
sessed. Meanwhile great numbers of 
people arrived, caressing us and offering 
themselves to give us pleasure, saying 
that they were our friends. Late in the 
evening, when we were willing to retire 
and to take leave of the company with ac- 
tions of gratitude, they would not give us 
leave. Men, women, children, all en- 
treated us zealously to stay with them, 
crying out these words : " Cazigno 
agnyda hoa" (my friends, do not start 
from here ; you shall sleep this night 
with us). But they could not harangue 
so well as to persuade us to sleep with 
them. So we retired to our vessel ; and 
having remained in this place five full 
days, we weighed anchor, parting from 



them with a marvellous contentment of 
both sides, and went out to the open sea, 
on account of the sands and shoals. We 
had not proceeded more than fifteen 
leagues before there came a contrary east 
wind, and the sea was so rough that we 
were near perishing ; and finally the gale 
drove us some fifty leagues from that 
place to the mouth of the river Arnodie,* 
situated between Juvdi and the cape on 
the right, where we were compelled to 
enter half a league and drop anchor to 
escape the storm and the fury of the 

The people of this country gave us a 
welcome no less cordial than the former ; 
although it does not equally abound in 
water-fowl as this j but in fish, both fresh 
water and salt, it surpasses its rival, es- 
pecially in salmon, which they call On- 
dacon, and in lampreys, which they call 
Zistoz. They brought us once a whole 
barque-load ; which barque we hired for 
about a fortnight, and it did us good ser- 
vice in finishing our voyage. Leaving 
this river [Arnodie] and coasting straight 
along Baccalaos, f we journeyed and 
ploughed the sea, as far as the Isle The- 
vet and thence to the Isles of St. Croix, 
of the Bretons and the savages, to height 
of Cape Breton, so called because the 
Bretons discovered the country in 1504. 

Having thus given you the course to- 
wards the North, from the point of Flor- 
ida to that of Baccaleos, which is in 48 
30' latitude, and 32 7 longitude, no min- 
utes, there is only to speak of the main 
land, after a word or two concerning 

* " Arnodie " and " Juvide " are obscure names. 

\ " Baccaleos," properly New Foundland, but 
like " Norumbega," formerly applied to large 
tracts of country. 

some islands, the approach to which is 
dangerous. Here we entered, being 
driven thereto by the wind ; we experi- 
enced the most intense cold, tormenting 
us for more than twenty days, during 
which time I found leisure enough to go 
about and examine all that was rare and 
singular pertaining to the country. Run- 
ning some two hundred leagues out into 
the sea, on the Northern coast, the isl- 
ands lying round about are very numer- 
ous and very large ; whether in the gulf 
lying between Arcadie and the Promon- 
tory which I christened Angoulesme, in 
honor of my native place ; * or those 
which lie near Flora and Paradis, or 
those enclosed within the Port of Refuge, 
or those, in fine, which extend along the 
Ocean, lying more towards the North, 
near those called Bonne Veue, near the 
Island which bears the name from the 
country of Baccaleos. 

Some have thought that these Islands 
are continents, and connected with the 
main land, on account of their great ex- 
tent. As for myself, upon a closer ex- 
amination, I am satisfied that there is a 
considerable region of the sea between 
these islands and terra firma. This isl- 
and bears its name from a large species 
of fish called Baccaleos. Canada is the 
country which the South is bounded by 
the mountains of Floride, — on the East 
by the Ocean — and on the South by the 
extreme point of Floride and the Islands 

* "Angoulesme." This illustrates the imperti- 
nence of the writer, who never saw the place, 
while Angouleme was a name placed by Verra- 
zano on his map in 1529, or earlier, in honor 
of the Birthplace of Francis I. Thevet could 
have seen it on Ramusio's Verrazano map, to- 
gether with " Paradise," " Flora," the Port of 



de Cuba; the point of Baccaleos extend- 
ing as far as Port Refuge. 

I am assured that the country there is 
still better than that of Canada; there 
are some very beautiful rivers there run- 
ning hundreds of miles through the level 
country, and which are navigable, as e.g. 
the Barad, which name in the Indian 
tongue signifies the land. And accord- 
ing to my judgment I should esteem it 
good to dwell in this land of Baccaleos as 
well on the main land as on the islands 
lying about it ; since the country is not 
so cold as Canada; and besides, the 
people are more accessible, and the sea 
is more abundant in fish. Not that I 
want to tell a falsehood here, such as a 
venerable Spaniard * has perpetrated, in a 
little History of the Peruvian Indias, 
gravely telling us that this sea abounds ill 
fish in such tremendous numbers as really 
to impede the progress of large ships. Such 
stories, however, deserve as much credit 
as that told by Thomas Porcachi, Aretin, 
an Italian, who in a certain little book 
about Islands, tells us, that what we call 
the new world, and which properly speak- 
ing is this Coast as far as Peru, is the 
Antarctic country. This is a very ill ad- 
vised assertion, considering that it is more 
than six hundred leagues from one coast 
to the other. Nor is the country of Can- 
ada the same as that called Nurumberg, 
containing a considerable extent of coun- 
try on the main land, which many have 
tried to discover ; but none has met with 
such good success therein as Jaques Car- 
tier, Breton, one of my best friends, from 
whom I have had sundry pieces of infor- 
mation, as from one who has explored 

* The reference appears to be to Sebastian 

the country from one end to the other. 
Before passing further on, I cannot help 
speaking of those who act as contractors 
{trepreneurs), and promise great moun- 
tains of gold to Princes and great lords, 
sending them to advance the subjection 
of the Barbarians (which would be well 
enough) and the great wealth that is 
found in those regions. But even though 
all this were true, it would be well to re- 
member what I have said to many of 
them, that if they were not cunning, 
shrewd and tricky in their dealings, they 
would find as little profit in them as many 
others who have lost both their lives and 
their fortunes there. Though the Kings of 
Spain and Portugal are friends and allies 
of our Sovereign prince whether on sea 
or land so distant — so it is, the Pilots, 
Sailors and Captains do not trouble them- 
selves about such alliances, nor do they 
stop to ask whether peace or war reigns 
on shore, and when you pass Europe and 
get either into Africa, or into any other 
part of the country of Guinee, all natural 
recognition between Sailors is at an end, 
so that the Spaniard remorselessly makes 
a slave of the Portuguese, although their 
Kings may be neighbors, relatives and 
good friends ; Frenchmen, Scotchmen 
and Englishmen show but little indul- 
gence towards one. another in these dis- 
tant regions. Nor should the fault be 
laid at the door of the princes or prin- 
cesses, for it happens in spite of them. 

I have seen instances of this in Africa, 
especially about Cape Verde, and on the 
Manicongra River, and beyond that or 
across the Equator, under the tropics, — 
even in Florida, — on this Northern coast. 
As for the stories which our Princes have 
received, that on this continent there is 



an infinite abundance of gold, silver and 
precious stones — that is false. The great- 
est wealth of Floride, Canada, and Bac- 
caleos is the peltry and the fishery of the 
cods and whales. I think it is very likely 
that gold and silver mines may be found 
there, just as they are found in France ; 
but of what sort ? Coarse and more full 
of sulphur than pure gold, and which would 
cost twice as much to refine it as the whole 
profit would amount to. The same may 
be said of the precious stones, as I know 
from experience. Our people discovered 
this region in the time of the great King 
Francis I., of which I will give a brief 
summary, as short as possible, though I 
know there are few who have written 
about it besides me. This country runs 
pretty well up North and adjoins the 
regions lying under the Arctic Circle, 
which we call one of the poles, or pivots 
supporting the sphere ; hence you may 
infer what a cold country it must be, 
and yet not uninhabitable. "Canada'' 
signifies as much as land ; the name came 
from the first people who settled there ; 
when some one asked them what they 
were after in those regions, that they 
were Segnada Canada, men in quest of 
land ; which name they have retained, as 
one given at random, just as it happens, 
to most newly discovered islands and 
provinces. Northward it runs up toward 
the Arctic Sea and Hyperboree. Hence 
all this region, Baccaleos as well as Lab- 
rador, is included under the name of 
Canada. On the other side there is 
a main land called Campestra de Berge,* 
which runs south-west. In this province, 
towards the east, lies Cape Lorraine, so 

* "Campestra de Berga" is from the map of 
Ruysch, 1508. 

called by us, and by others called Cape 
Breton, because here the Bretons, 
Basques and Normands coast, going to 
terre neuve to fish for the cod. Near this 
cape there is an island called Heuree, to 
the north-east four or five leagues in cir- 
cumference, pretty near the main land ; 
and the other, triangular inform, is called 
Carbassa by the country people, and by 
us named the Virgins (Vierges). This 
country begins at the said cape on the 
south where it ranges to east-north-east 
and west-south-west ; the larger portion, 
looking towards Florida runs in the form 
of a semi-circle as if looking at the King- 
dom of Themistitan. 

From Cape Lorrai?ie, the coast of Can- 
ada turning southward runs into the Sea, 
just as Italy does between the Adriatic 
and Ligurian Seas, making a peninsula. 
In the country nearer to Floride (which 
some call Franfoyse, but the inhabitants 
Norombegue) the country is pretty fruit- 
ful in various kinds of fruit, as e. g. Man- 
dour les — a fruit somewhat like a pump- 
kin, the juice of which is very good, and 
the meat quite delicate. The people are 
amiable, easy to manage, and agreeable 
in their conversation ; their chief abode 
is towards the west, on the great River 
Hochgelaga, pretty close to the Promon- 
tory called A?igoulesme. 'There their king 
whom in their jargon they call Agou- 
hanna, ordinarily makes his abode. He 
is quite kind and affable to strangers 
who come to visit him. Those who dwell 
farther on before the main land towards 
Baccaleos are different. They are bad, 
artful and cruel, and masque their faces, 
not with masques or veils, but paint the 
face with divers colors, especially with 
blue and red, in order to appear most 



hideous to those who approach them. 
These men are large and strong and are 
clothed in skins. 

[Folio 1024 to end] 
From Palmares to this place the coast 
is sandy, and begins to run out into the 
ocean as far as Cape Florida, sloping 
from N.E. % N., and immediately towards 
the S.E. -j- S. After traversing this region 
in a couple of hours, you will see the Mar- 
quise Bay and that of Honde, next Port Re- 
paire, the River of Pearls. Low Haven, 
in the same latitude with the said cape, 
i.e, 290 longitude by 2 6° of latitude. 
Still following the coast, you come to Cape 
Canave, and then to Cape Corinth; thence 
to the River Jourdain, which is in 30 1° 
of longitude, 32 30' latitude, distant 
from the Florida coast, shaped into a 
peninsula, and one of the tongues along 
the coast come 143 leagues or there- 
abouts. After doubling many islets, the 
approaches to which are very dangerous, 
particularly to large vessels, because the 
sounding lead is of no use here, you 
draw on into the sea ; but if you have 
contrary east winds, you can let go your 
anchor in Port Malabritt, or rather at Cape 
Traverse, which lies in 303 15' longi- 
tude and t>Z° 4' latitude ; and distant from 
each other some 26 leagues. As for Bay 
Sainte Marie and the capes which on sea 
Charts are marked Sainct Jean, Double, 
and that of the Sands (Arenes) and Cape 
Sable, they are in 30 7 ° of longitude, and 
38 of latitude, as are also the Great 
Goulfe, the Green Mountains (so-called 
because at the point of a cape which runs 
some eight leagues into the sea there ap- 
pears in the distance a lofty mountain, 
which is clad in perpetual verdure) the 
rivers bonne mere and bonne veue, which 

are thirty-five leagues apart.* Sailing out 
of said river, and steering towards Spain 
or France, you leave the Cape of the Isles, 
which you see some eight leagues out into 
the sea ; then, if a rough sea or storm 
should overtake you, you can anchor in 
the River of Norombegue, at the mouth 
of which you will find an Island of which 
I have spoken elsewhere, and described 
the dangers which surround it. It lies in 
301 50' of longitude, and 42 14' lati- 
tude, and is separated from bonne veue 
thirty-seven leagues. Further on three 
rivers appear, one called Plage, the sec- 
ond Juvide, and the third Anordie, which 
lie in the same height, i.e., 314 and 15' of 
longitude, and 42 ° 11' of latitude. After 
doubling the coast and changing the 
point of the compass if you thus steer 
East and look in the opposite direc- 
tion, you will notice a lofty mountain, 
which serves Pilots to know where they 
are without taking the height of the 
Sun. Still ploughing the Sea, as if de- 
signing to sail to the East, as soon as the 
coast begins to curve you leave Baye aux 
Comtes and that of Pallee behind and 
come to the river of the Baye, all of them 
in 340 of longitude, and 44 30' of lati- 
tude. Thence you double the point, and 
bear directly North if you want to make 
Cape Breton, near which the sea is much 
rougher than at any other spot, because 
it lies at the mouth of the great river of 
Canada, said cape (which from time im- 
memorial has been known to the French 
as a good fishing station for whale oil, 
brought from thence) lies in 32 7 longi- 
tude and 46 42 ' latitude. Having got clear 
of this peril, you keep along the north 

* Thevet begins his second account on leaving 
the West Indies, and now employs a map of 
different authorship and later date. 



coast, in order to avoid the numerous 
shoals, and if you wish to take in water, 
you come to Cape Raze, which is in 
the district of Baccaleos ; then to that 
of Bonne ven'e, and next to that of Saint 
Francis ; all of which lie some 334 of 
longitude and 48 of latitude. In the 
same latitude is Bird Island, so called be- 
cause it is exclusively inhabited by birds ; 
sometimes, indeed, some animals come 
here from the main land, as e.g., bears ; 
Jacques Cartier found one of them, white 
as snow, which was killed while attempt- 
ing to escape from one island to another, 
of which islands the one called Sainte 
(so named by a pilot, Xaintongeois) is 
some twenty-two leagues or so away. In 
the same longitude is Cape Blanc, Chas- 
teau, Belle Isle, and the Isles of Scutel 
(of which there are several — they are un- 
inhabited, except by a few fishermen) ; 
Cape Mare and that of the main land, 
which is the farthest cape known to our 
sailors, both on account of the Barbarism 
of the people, as also because Navigation 
beyond this point is not much sought 
after, except in the direction of Groenlant 
and Grotlant. 

Having thus spoken in detail of the 
provinces, cities, rivers, gulfs, promonto- 
ries lying along and extending out from 
the fourth quarter of the globe, as also of 
the manners, laws, customs and manner of 
living usual among the different tribes in- 
habiting these parts, it only remains to 
say how it is bounded, and how separated 
from the other three parts. First, on the 
Southern coarst, Nature herself has di- 
vided it by the Austral Strait, from the 
unknown land, which has as yet remained 
unexplored, both on account of the im- 
mense distance and of the extreme rigor 

of the cold, which in my opinion is more 
severe than any of the other countries I 
have described, judging from the reports 
brought me by some Portuguese who 
boasted of having passed through those 
regions. On the North coast it is joined 
to Asia, and here separated from it by 
the mountains and rivers of the land of 
Grotlant, so called from the Islands of 
Grotlant and Groenlant, which lie adjoin- 
ing, and are inhabited by wild tribes, no 
more civilized than those living near the 
South Pole. It would be an ill-advised 
thing for me to separate them by a mere 
Strait, as some Geographers have done, 
sufficiently betraying their ignorance by 
the Charts they have drawn ; as e.g. 
Genma Phrigius, who says that it was 
here that the Portuguese passed through 
in order to discover the Islands of the 
Moluccas ; that is all a mistake ; for if 
it were true, the said Portuguese, nay, 
even the English and Scotch, would have 
gone through this Strait in search of 
treasures found in the Islands of the Pa-" 
cific, without choosing such a circuitous 
way as that of Fernand Magellan, who 
was nearly two and one-half years sailing 
the Sea, entering numberless Ports, Gulfs, 
and rivers, before he succeeded in finding 
a passage, which he did at last by this 
Austral Strait, in the year 1522. Of course 
I can pardon him as well, as many of our 
own day obstinately adhere to this opinion, 
and others who believe that the regions 
lying under the torrid zone are uninhab- 
ited ; but I think that, convinced of the 
contrary by my own and other people's tes- 
timony, they will in the end acknowledge 
their mistake for the reasons assigned by 
me, and derived from my Geographical 
and Astronomical tables, which I hope 



to publish before I die. But to return — 
On the Eastern coast this country is sep- 
arated from Africa by the Ocean; and 
on the West there is another unknown 
land with an Archipelago of Islands and 
uninhabited. And so you see that both 
on account of its length and breadth, it 
justly deserves to be called the fourth 
part of the world, extending, as I have 
elsewhere told you, from pole to pole. I 
should have spoken of it more in detail, 
had I been willing to glean among the 
harvests of others. I am well aware that 
Christofole Coulon, Amerigo Vespuce, 
Pierre Martir of Milan, Gonzale de 
Ovidio, Fernand Cortez, Pierre Davarre, 
Diego Goday, Alvare Nunez, Nuane de 
Gusman, Francoys Ulloa, Fernand Alar- 
cone, and Francoys Vasques — most of 
them Spanish Captains — have described 
it. Their narrating has been printed at 
Paris, Lion, Venise, and have been com- 
piled by the ordinary gloseur, and inserted 
in the new Cosmography of Sebastian 

As for myself, having in the same 
methodical order which you will have no- 
ticed in this history, arranged and pre- 
sented what preceding authors failed 
either to notice or record and publish, 
without thinking it worth while to amuse 
myself by old fables and tragic falsehoods. 
I can assure you that I have desired to 
publish nothing but what I have seen and 
heard with my own eyes and ears, which, 
in the regions severally spoken of, with- 
out making much account of prettynesses 
of style, which, if you are fond of, you 
will have to seek for in the works of au- 
thors who do that sort of thing profession- 
ally. I have pursued this course both in 
order that my industry might be the more 

approved and apparent, as well as to save 
myself the honor of being enrolled among 
those who steal the labors of others, and 
of being likened to thieves, who, after 
stealing some gold or silver vessels, re- 
move the owner's mark for fear of recog- 

Wherefore, in conclusion, I would ren- 
der thanks to the good God of all power, 
humbly acknowledging the numberless 
favors He has shown me in preserving 
me amidst so many perils to which I was 
exposed while exploring the four quarters 
of the globe, ever begging the reader to 
look with a kindly eye upon this, my tri- 
fling effort and my rude style of diction. 


It has been said that the maxim of 
Captain Cuttle, " When found, make a 
note of it," is a rule that should shine in 
gilt letters on the gingerbread of youth 
and the spectacle-case of age. Certainly 
there is no stage of life, after the note- 
making period is reached, when the prac- 
tice of jotting down facts in the form of 
paragraphs may not become of great in- 
terest and use. Often, indeed, the most 
acceptable portion of a newspaper, mag- 
azine, or other periodical, is the depart- 
ment sacred to paragraphs. This is a 
point that emphasizes itself. The brief 
sayings are those that have the fairest 
prospect of being heard and remembered 
in the long run ; yet, if not remembered, 
they can be recorded on the imperishable, 
printed page, which is something that the 
stacks of bulky manuscripts which lumber 
up editorial sanctums in this land can 



never hope for. Still the most interest- 
ing and the most promising of all the 
forms of literature, as attested by " notes " 
that have come down in the guise of 
proverb and aphorism, overpassing the 
ages, and maintaining the freshness and 
vigor of perpetual youth, is at the same 
time the most difficult, so that the author 
of a noble treatise often finds it a serious 
task to construct a simple "note." Per- 
haps the paragraphist, like the poet, is 
born, not made. Nevertheless, we invite 
our friends to join us in the department 
of " Notes and Queries," as well as in 
the hunt for "Replies/' pursuing the quest 
systematically, remembering the defini- 
tion of the Prince of Definers, who says 
that a note is a " brief writing," and seek- 
ing to be constantly in the field ; thus, to 
accommodate a Shakespearian quotation, 
rendering it needless to 

" Give orders to our readers that they take 
No note at all of our being absent hence*" 

La salle bi-centenary — The honor 
of a celebration falls this year upon the 
" Father of Waters," it being two centu- 
ries, April 9th next, since the mouths of the 
Mississippi were discovered by La Salle. 
The occasion is to be celebrated at New 
Orleans with becoming festivities. Fran- 
cis Parkman, the historian, Senator Pen- 
dleton, of Ohio, Thomas J. Semmes, Esq., 
and Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar, have been in- 
vited to make addresses, or take part in 
the exercises at the Opera House. Con- 
gress will not be officially represented, as 
appears from the following report adopted 
in the Senate, March 4th : 

"The Committee on the Library, to 
whom were referred the petitions of the 
Wisconsin Geographical Society, and of 

the Chicago Historical Society, asking 
the appointment of a committee to attend 
the celebration on April 9, 1882, at New 
Orleans, of the discovery, by Robert 
Cavalier de la Salle, of the mouth of the 
Mississippi, have considered the same, 
and respectfully report : 

" The event to be commemorated is 
of great national and historical interest, 
and, as the petitioners well say, eminently 
worthy of national recognition. But the 
committee think that the two Houses of 
Congress ought not to require of any of 
their members to absent themselves from 
the session at a time when the public 
business is likely urgently to demand their 
presence at the seat of Government. We 
therefore recommend that the prayer of 
the petitioners be not granted." 

The House had the matter up on the 
8th, and tabled a resolution similar to the 
foregoing, although some elaborate and 
happy speeches in favor of taking part in 
the celebration were made by Represent- 
atives Robeson, of New Jersey, Cox, of 
New York, Washburn, of Minnesota, and 
Gibson, of Louisiana. The invitation to 
the House is stated in the Preamble to 
have come from " the chambers of com- 
merce, cotton and produce exchanges, 
and other commercial associations, the 
historical and literary and scientific soci- 
eties and municipal governments in the 
Valley of the Mississippi." 

Greek vs. British colonies — In his 
lecture upon the " English Folk," which 
Mr. Freeman, the English historian, has 
been delivering in this country, he con- 
trasts the ancient Hellenic colonies with 
those of Great Britain, past and present. 
The former were politically independent 



of their mother State, though retaining a 
proper love and reverence for her. " So 
might it have been with us," says Free- 
man, speaking from his own English 
standpoint, "if we had had the wisdom 
of the men of those old cities, if we had 
not so long carried about with us that 
strange superstition that Englishmen who 
settle in distant lands, instead of forming 
free English communities from the be- 
ginning, must needs anywhere remain 
subjects of the sovereign of that part of 
the English people which has gone as far 
as the Isle of Britain, and no farther. 
The thirteen, at least the twelve homes 
of Englishmen along this eastern shore 
of your great Continent might have been 
free and independent States in the seven- 
teenth century, instead of the eighteenth." 
It would be interesting to know, after 
this kind reference to ourselves, whether 
Mr. Freeman feels that Canada and Aus- 
tralia are bound by the same " strange 
superstition " to Great Britain, and 
whether, in case they should incline to 
assert their complete independence, he 
would advise letting them go, after the 
Greek plan. 

Historical records — library of 
congress — The bill to authorize the 
compilation and printing of all documents 
relating to the naval history of the civil 
war was discussed and passed in the Sen- 
ate on March 4th. Senator Hawley put 
the matter in a nutshell, in his brief 
speech, saying, "It is indispensable to 
the future historian and political student 
that these records, these documents, these 
reports, an infinite variety of them now 
in manuscript and more or less scattered 
and liable to be destroyed, should be 

brought together and should be printed." 
Col. Scott, it is well known, has been at 
work for some years in arranging and 
printing the records relating to the army 
operations on both sides. If Congress 
could go a step farther, and print the val- 
uable material relating to the Revolu- 
tionary period now at Washington, it 
would be doing the present, as well as 
the coming historian, a good service. 

The bill to construct a separate edifice 
in Washington for the growing library of 
Congress unfortunately hangs fire. Sen- 
ator Ingalls, of Kansas, strenuously op- 
poses an independent building, and urges 
the enlargement of the Capitol for the 
purpose. Senator Voorhees, of Indiana, 
is equally determined the other way, and 
made an eloquent speech on March 2d 
in favor of speedily attending to the libra- 
ry's wants. The site proposed by a ma- 
jority of the committee lies a short dis- 
tance east of the Capitol. 

"Old ironsides" — It appears that 
to her other claims to distinction, the 
famous old frigate " Constitution," whose 
career is now closed, is to add that of 
having her history written. Cooper and 
some other writers have given to the 
public brief sketches of " Old Ironsides," 
but now the complete story of her career 
is being written by General Wilson, of 
this city, who will be happy to receive 
any interesting incidents connected with 
her history from those who have served 
on board of her, and also any of the old 
ballads celebrating her victories during 
the war of 181 2-15. 

The city gazette and daily ad- 
vertiser, Charleston, s. c. — In issue of 



Saturday, Argust 24th, 1799, Vol II., we 
find this funeral notice : " Died, yester- 
day morning, Miss Amelie D'Grasse, eld- 
est daughter of the late Count D'Grasse." 

In the same paper, Friday, September 
20th, 1799, another notice runs thus : 

" Died, yesterday morning in this city, 
Miss Melania D'Grasse, third daughter 
of the late Count D'Grasse, Lieutenant 
General of His Most Christian Majesty, 
the late King of France, and Com- 
mander of the Royal Order of St. Louis. 
Her death is most sincerely regretted by 
her family, and those to whom she was 
particularly known." 

The bodies of these ladies are entombed 
in St. Mary's Churchyard, Hasel Street. 

An industrious Gardner — Newport, 
April 18. Last Monday died, at North 
Kingstown, in the 81st year of his age, 
Ephraim Gardner, Esq., of that town, 
who had been 61 years married, and left 
7 children, 36 grandchildren, and 12 
great-grandchildren living. He had sus- 
tained a number of public offices, all of 
which he discharged with honor. He 
was an affectionate husband, a tender 
parent, and kind master, a good neighbor 
and an honest man. — Newport Mercury, 
Monday, April 18, 1774. 


A kinswoman of the Sieur de la Salle, 
the explorer, now lives in New Orleans 
in the person of Mrs. Blanchard, in her 
maidenhood Mile. Hermione de la Salle, 
and now the wife of Gen. A. G. Blanch- 
ard, of the United States Army. She 
is the great-great-great-niece of the dis- 
coverer. — Balto. Sun, Feb. 3, 1882. 

M. W. H. 

General st. clair — The two follow- 
ing paragraphs were extensively circulated 
by the press in the months of September 
and October, 18 18 : 

" Died, at Laurel Hill, on the 31st ult., 
General Arthur St. Clair, a worthy war- 
worn veteran, who went down to the 
grave with his grey hairs in ' penury and 

"Died, on the 8th inst., at Chestnut 
Ridge, near Greensburg, Penn., Mrs. St. 
Clair, relict of the late Major-General 
Arthur St. Clair." 


Father of the artist — To be sold, 
a quantity of screwed hay, inquire of 
Gilbert Stewart. — Newport Mercury, 
Dec. 20, 1773. 



The Havana expedition — Can any 
one refer us to manuscript accounts, be- 
sides those of Graham, or any records of 
the expedition against Havana in 1762, 
which resulted disastrously to the Colo- 
nial troops engaged? T. 

Colonel scammell — Does a portrait 
exist of Colonel Alexander Scammell, of 
New Hampshire, who was mortally 
wounded at Yorktown in 1781 ? T. 

A Washington letter — Has the fol- 
lowing letter been published before ? 

P. B. F. 
" Head Quarters New Windsor 
10 Jan. 1781. 
"Sir — I am pleased to find by yout 
favor of the 4th inst., that you are willing 



to accept of the agency for prisoners pro- 
vided Sir Henry Clinton makes no objec- 
tion to your returning to New York. I 
shall irameadiately propose you to him-, 
and will acquaint you with his answer as 
soon as I receive it. 

" I am sir 
"Your most obt. SeiV 

"G. Washington. 
" To John Franklin, Esqr. 

ton's own writings ? If so, where are 
they, and can they be consulted ? 

Major wyllys — This officer, Major 
John Palsgrave Wyllys, of Hartford, 
Conn., who had served through the Re- 
volution with distinction, fell in Harmar's 
Indian defeat on the Miami in 1790. 
He had been stationed for some time on 
the Muskingum River, in command of a 
detachment of regulars, and was familiar 
with the Ohio country. Have his papers 
been preserved ? He must have had a 
considerable correspondence with Har- 
mar, St. Clair, the Secretary of War, etc. 


Chief justice Marshall — The United 
States Senate passed a bill, March 4, pro- 
viding for a joint committee of three from 
each House to contract for and erect a 
statue to the memory of Chief Justice 
John Marshall, to be placed " in a suita- 
ble public reservation," selected by the 
committee. The sum appropriated is 
$20,000. The bill was originally intro- 
duced by Senator Johnston, of Virginia, 
and favorably reported by the Library 
Committee through Senator Sherman, of 
Ohio. Did Marshall leave any collection 
of papers which he used in preparing his 
Life of Washington, other than Washing- 

TIONS — Col. Wm. Crawford, in a letter 
to Washington dated Spring Garden, De- 
cember 29, 1773, writes: "Sir: — Some 
people, ten or twelve in number, have 
gone on your Chartier's land within these 
few days ; and there is no getting them 
off, except by force of arms. They are 
encouraged by Major Ward, brother to 
Colonel Croghan, who claims the land, 
and says he has a grant of it from the 
Crown/' Col. Croghan and Captain Wil- 
liam Trent were brothers-in-law. Wash- 
ington, in his Journal of a Tour to the 
Ohio in 1770, under date of November 
2 2d, says : " Invited the officers and some 
other gentlemen to dinner with me at 
Semple's, among whom was Dr. Con- 
nolly, nephew to Colonel Croghan, a very 
sensible, intelligent man, who had trav- 
elled over a good deal of this western 
country, both by land and water." 

Major Ward was the same man who, as 
Ensign Edward Ward, on the 17th of 
April, 1754, surrendered the unfinished 
fort in the forks of the Ohio to Contre- 
Cceur ; and in 1760 opened the first coal- 
pit in Western Pennsylvania, opposite 
Fort Pitt. Can any reader of the Mag- 
azine explain the particulars of the rela- 
tionship ? Isaac Craig. 

Alleghany, Pa. 

Coal mine in muskingum valley in 
1748? — In Captain Thomas Hutchins' 
Topographical Description of Virginia, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, and North Car- 
olina, comprehending the Rivers Ohio, 



Kenhawa, Sioto, Cherokee, Wabash, Illi- 
nois, Mississippi &>e. 6°r., published in 
London in 1778, on page 21, describing 
the Muskingum he says: "In 1748 a 
Coal mine opposite to Lamenshicola 
mouth took fire, and continued burning 
above twelve months, but great quanti- 
ties of coal still remain in it." Is not the 
date, 1 748, a typographical error ? What 
is the present name of the Lamenshi- 
cola? Isaac Craig. 
Alleghany, Pa. 

Battle of the kegs — Does any rec- 
ord exist in regard to the attempt to blow 
up the British ships below Philadelphia, 
in December, 1777, when Captain David 
Bushnell is said to have floated kegs of 
powder down the river ? What was the 
exact date, and under whose authority 
was Bushnell acting? Also, what was 
the keg contrivance ? Surgeon Thacher 
refers to the incident. Is there any Brit- 
ish mention of it ? 

Globes in America — The following 
was received from a gentleman at Nurem- 
berg, who had been engaged in examin- 
ing the globe of Martin Behaim : 

"James Willson was the maker of the 
first pair of terrestial and celestial globes 
ever constructed in America, was for 
many years a citizen of Orange county. 
He was born in 1763 at Londonderry, 
N. H., removing to Bradford with his 
family in 1796, where he located on a 
farm about a mile north of the principal 
village. At an early age he exhibited a 
remarkable love of knowledge, and had 
not circumstances prevented, he would 

have doubtless chosen some other profes- 
sion than that of a farmer, which he fol- 
lowed the larger portion of his life. Three 
years after locating in Bradford he had 
the exquisite pleasure of viewing a pair 
of English globes, and determined to im- 
itate them. His first globe — a wooden 
ball covered with paper — was improved 
upon from time to time until brought to 
wonderful perfection. Mr. Willson went 
to Boston in 18 14, and introduced his 
globes, which were enthusiastically re- 
ceived. For a time he continued their 
manufacture in Bradford and London- 
derry, but in 1815 removed to Albany, 
N. Y., where he continued his vocation 
on a large scale. These globes consisted 
of three different sizes, and were hand- 
somely and scientifically constructed. He 
spent his later years in Bradford, where 
he died in 1855 at the ripe age of 92 

Can any of our readers give any further 
information on the subject? 

Manuscript narrative of rocham- 
beau's campaign — " Journal on descrip- 
tion du voyage de M * *, sur la fregate 
l'Astree, commandee par M. de La Pe- 
rouse, pour aller en Amerique, rejoindre 
l'armee francaise sous les ordres du comte 
de Rochambeau, avec une relation des 
operations militaires des forces unies fran- 
caise et americaine, en 1781. 1 vol. in 

The above title is from the Catalogue 
des Cartes Geographiques . . . du 
Prince Labanoff. . , . Paris, 1823, 
page 487. Has this ever been translated 
and printed, or is the present owner of it 
known ? J. C. B. 




Japanese Americana — With respect 
to the query [VI. 221] relating to the Life 
of Washington, published by the Japanese 
in forty-five volumes, I cannot speak ; 
yet I have recently inspected the Life of 
General Grant, in seven volumes, printed 
in that language. The volumes form thin 
pamphlets, and when laid on their sides, 
edge to edge, the ornamental covers show 
a spirited design, representing some Jap- 
anese damsels draped in American flags, 
and executing a lively dance in the pres- 
ence of the distinguished American. The 
volumes are profusely illustrated, and one 
sketch shows the General in the act of 
attempting a performance, which, it is safe 
to say, he was not taught when a Cadet 
in the Riding School at West Point, stand- 
ing as he does on the "off" side of his 
fiery charger, with his left foot in the stir- 
rup, trying to vault into the saddle ; a po- 
sition, however, not a bit more awkward 
than many another in which political gen- 
erals often find themselves placed. These 
volumes have already become rare in 
Japan. * 

Historical Magazine, 1873, p. 104, has 
a note on the subject. 

made a slight slip in saying that it had 
become " extremely rare." * 

The five zones — The question is 
asked [VI. 299] whether or not, the fol- 
lowing extract from a letter by Colum- 
bus — "In the year 1477, in February, I 
navigated one hundred leagues beyond 
Thule " — comes from what Humboldt 
calls the " Tratado de las cinco Zonas 
Habitable sT If not, the querist infers that 
Irving never saw the work. The conclu- 
sion is a safe one, especially as Humboldt 
himself never saw it, no such work being 
known to the bibliographer. Humboldt 

Latrobe's Washington — On this point 
a correspondent writes to correct a state- 
ment [VII. 107] that Latrobe's sketch of 
Washington was made about the year 
1 790, as Latrobe did not come to Ameri- 
ca until 1796. See " Original Portraits 
of Washington," 1882, p. 136, which 
contain a. facsimile of the original rough 

'James smithson fvn. 372] — In the 
annual report of the Smithsonian Institu- 
tion for 1879 there was published an elab- 
orate memoir of James Smithson by Wil- 
liam J. Rhees, prepared at the request of 
the board of regents of the institution. 
See page 143. It there appears that he 
was the natural son of Hugh Smithson, 
Duke of Northumberland, and Mrs. Eliz- 
abeth Macie, and was born about 1754, 
the exact date and circumstances of his 
birth being unknown. Wm. Nelson. 

Match-coats [vi. 60, 325, 382; vn.~ 
374] — John Richardson, a Quaker mis- 
sionary, writing from Pennsylvania about 
1700, says: " Match-coats is what they 
[the Indians] use instead of clothes to 
cover them withal, being of one piece, in 
the form of a blanket or bed-covering." — 
Some Account of the Conduct of the Relig- 
ious Society of Friends toward the Indian 
Tribes, etc., London, 1844, P a g e 62. 

Wm. Nelson. 

The captors of andr£— A corre- 
spondent of the New York Evening Post 
calls the attention of the " Association of 



Specialists," "formed to re-write Amer- 
ican history with a view to accuracy and 
impartiality," to several letters supposed 
to contain fresh information concerning 
the character of the captors of Andre. 
Unfortunately, the letters in question giv- 
en in the Post contain nothing new. It is 
safe, however, to say that any one of the 
writers alluded to would be glad to have 
new facts bearing on the subject. 


The moon curser [v. 140, 383 ; vi. 
61] — When I was a boy, visiting at Cape 
Cod, the custom, on the part of some of the 
people, of walking along the shore dur- 
ing and after storms to find whatever might 
be thrown up on the beach by the surf, 
was called " Moon cursing," or, shorter, 
" Moon cussin." I always supposed 
that the " Moon curser " was, originally 
at least, a " wrecker," some of which 
class, on the South Atlantic Coast and 
neighboring islands, have had a bad 
name, and have even set false lights to 
bring ships ashore. Such men belong to 
the class who love the darkness rather 
than the light, because their deeds are 
evil ; and who would be ready to curse 
the gentle moon, or any other source of 
illumination that would reveal their ne- 
farious plans. Here, I apprehend, we 
have the origin of the " Moon curser," 
though, on the Cape, I never found the 
slightest reason to suspect any of the 
people of inhumanity. B. 

Andre" bibliography — To Mr. Camp- 
bell's exhaustive references in the Janu- 
ary number may be added what Lafayette 
says in his " Memoirs," Am. Edition, 
vol. i., pp. 253-257, and his letter to 

Luzerne, dated " Robinson House," Sept. 
26, 1780, p. 349 ; also, Draper's " King's 
Mountain," pp. 37-39, showing that 
Andre had acted as a spy in Charleston, 
S. C. ; Halleck's " International Law," 
pp. 407-409, giving military judgment on 
the case ; brief references in Kapp's 
" Steuben," and lately published " St. 
Clair Papers ; " letters to Andre in " Pat- 
tison" Papers, N. Y. Hist. Soc. Pub., 
1875; Whiting's "Revolutionary Or- 
ders," pp. 109 and 112, giving Greene's 
General Order, Hd. Qrs., Orangetown, 
Sept. 26, 1780, announcing "Treason of 
the Blackest Dye," etc., and the capture 
of " Mr. Andre," and Washington's order 
directing his execution ; also Major Harry 
Lee's interesting letter to Gov. Lee, of 
Maryland, describing Andre's capture, in 
Penn. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., vol. iv., 
p. 61. J. 

Origin of the name of texas [vi. 
223 ; vii. 67, 149] — The name Teias or 
Tejas can be traced to the first contact of 
the Spaniards with the tribe of that name 
living on the head waters of the Sabine 
and Trinity Rivers and on the lower por- 
tion of the Red River. The four survivors 
of the ill-fated expedition of Pamfilo de 
Narvaez who wandered for eight years 
across the continent from Florida to the 
Pacific, from 1532 to 1537, first mention 
the Atayos, who doubtless were the 
Adayes or Teijas. 

They are next mentioned in the anon- 
ymous Relacion of the expedition of 
Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, of 1542, 
as published in 1857, by Buckingham 
Smith in his Coleccion, and in the Ameri- 
can Series of the Docume?itos Itieditos, 
vol. xiii., 1870, p. 261. The Teias were 



found to the east of the Querechos, at 
a distance of two hundred leagues east- 
wardly from the Rio de Tiguex, or Rio 
Grande del Norte, which places them in 
Northeastern Texas' 

Possibly, also, the tribe or the river 
Daycas spoken of in Hernando de Soto's 
narrative in chapters 35 and 44, and said 
to be one hundred and fifty leagues west 
of his Rio Grande or Mississippi, was the 
same as the Atayos. J. C. B. 

The new york continental line in 
the revolution [vn. 411] — In the De- 
cember number of the Magazine for 
1 88 1, under this caption, it is stated that 
Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Hamil- 
ton's Light Infantry Battalion, which 
marched to Yorktown, contained two 
companies of New York Levies. This 
was according to General Washington's 
orders of July 31, 1781, but on August 
17th, at Dobb's Ferry, he substituted two 
companies of the regular Connecticut 
Continental Line for the Levies, each 
consisting of a captain, two subalterns, 
four sergeants, and fifty rank and file. 

These companies were commanded re- 
spectively by Captains Lemuel Clift and 
Thaddeus Weed, of the First and Second 
Connecticut regiments. A. B. G. 

Disposition and order of battle of 

THE ALLIED ARMIES [vil. 267 ; VIII. 59] 

— In the January number of the Maga- 
zine, Dr. William H. Egle, the co -laborer 
of the Hon. John Blair Linn in the prep- 
aration of that highly creditable work, 
" Pennsylvania in the War of the Revolu- 
tion," takes exception to my designation 
of Brigadier-General Muhlenberg as from 
Pennsylvania, and mentions one or two 

other alleged inaccuracies. Although the 
"disposition and order of battle" of the 
army in September, 1781, was a rough 
and hasty draft for another purpose, and 
never intended for publication in the 
Magazine, and therefore not prepared 
with that degree of critical attention 
which would otherwise have been given 
to it, nevertheless I cannot but think 
that General Muhlenberg was properly 
credited to Pennsylvania. His family 
were all Pennsylvanians. 

He was a native ' of that State, and 
finally died there. As a minister of the 
Lutheran Church, his temporary home 
happened to be in Woodstock, Va., when 
the Revolution began ; and his regiment, 
the Eighth Virginia, was largely composed 
of Lutheran Germans. On February 21, 
1777, he became a brigadier-general of the 
regular Continental Line, and when the 
war ended, made his home in Pennsyl- 
vania, where he became successively a 
member of the Executive Council, Vice- 
President of the State, representative and 
then senator in Congress, United States 
Supervisor of Revenue for the District of 
Pennsylvania, and finally Collector of the 
Port of Philadelphia. 

I can appreciate Dr. Egle's feelings 
over any representative selections from 
Pennsylvania, for the supposed (?) Tem- 
ple of Fame in the Capitol at Washington, 
which would omit a statue of the gallant 
Anthony Wayne, the hero of " Stony 
Point" and "Jamestown Ford." So 
many mediocre characters from civil life 
have, however, been selected for repro- 
duction in monumental marble for that 
collection, that it can never be as inter- 
esting as it might have been. As to Bri- 
gadier-General Wayne, although com- 



manding for considerable periods the 
Pennsylvania Continental Line, he never, 
during the Revolution, attained a full 
major-general's rank, despite his extraor- 
dinary merit. Had his State kept her 
Continental quota full, so that the Penn- 
sylvania Line would have had its proper 
strength and influence in military affairs, 
Congress would hardly have been able 
to resist the just demand for the promo- 
tion of that meritorious officer. 

Dr. Egle places Colonel Walter Stew- 
art, instead of Colonel Daniel Brodhead, 
in command of the Consolidated First 
and Second Pennsylvania regiments at 
Yorktown, but the reason for this does 
not appear. The former ranked as 
colonel from June 17, 1777, and belonged 
to the Second Regiment, while the latter, 
who was the Senior and late Commander 
of the Western Military Department, 
ranked from March 12, 1777, and be- 
longed to the First Regiment. Previously 
Colonel Stewart, while retaining his regi- 
mental rank, had acted for a long time as 
Division Inspector in the main Conti- 
nental Army, under General Washing- 
ton, and certainly was at Yorktown. 
Colonel Richard Humpton's name is in- 
correctly printed as Hampton. He was 
an excellent officer, and brevetted to 
brigadier-general on September 30, 1783. 
In Baron de Steuben's congratulatory 
Division Orders for October 20, 1781, 
there is no mention of either Colonel 
Humpton or Lieutenant-Colonels Robin- 
son and Harmar, nor of Majors Alex- 
ander and Moore, who are stated to have 
served with the Pennsylvania Line at 
the capture of Lord Cornwallis. 

Dr. Egle asserts that it was Major 
James Parr, of the Seventh Pennsylvania 

Continental Infantry, and not Major Wil- 
liam Parr, who commanded the Volunteer 
Riflemen at Yorktown. There was no 
Seventh Regiment Pennsylvania Line 
then in the army, and Major James 
Parr had been honorably discharged the 
service on the previous January 1, 1781. 
The Pennsylvania Archives (General In- 
dex, p. 576; vol. ix., p. 371) gives the 
name of the officer who recruited the 
Riflemen as Major William Parr. This, 
however, may be an error. 

A. B. G. 

Pennsylvania troops at yorktown 
[viii. 59] — The Pennsylvania Infantry 
was represented at the siege of Yorktown 
in two battalions commanded as follows : 

( Colonel Walter Stewart, 
1 st Bat. •< Major James Hamilton, 

( Major William Alexander. 

( Colonel Richard Butler, 
2nd Bat. < Lieut. -Colonel Josiah Harmar, 
( Major Evan Edwards. 

Three battalions went with Wayne into 
Virginia in May, 1781, and joined Lafay- 
ette, the third one being under Colonel 
Humpton. Sickness and casualties re- 
duced the force to about 600, and it was 
consolidated into two battalions July 14. 
(Feltman's Journal, and Wayne to Reed, 
July 16, 1 781. Penn. Archives.) Of the 
field officers who returned to Pennsylva- 
nia in consequence of this arrangement, 
one certainly was Colonel Humpton, as 
he wrote to Irvine from Philadelphia Au- 
gust 14, and was there September 29, as 
stated in St. Clair Papers, vol. i., p. 650. 
Another, without much doubt, was Lieut- 
Colonel Robinson, who is mentioned by 
Feltman as being in Virginia in the early 



part of the campaign, but whose name 
does not appear later. 

When the combined army was nearly 
ready to move upon York town from Wil- 
liamsburg, Va., Washington organized it 
into brigades, giving Wayne a Virginia 
Continental regiment and " the two bat- 
talions of Pennsylvania." Upon the in- 
vestment of the enemy the field officers 
of the army took their turns as officers of 
the day, and the Orderly Book of the 
Siege gives their names and rotation. 
From Pennsylvania the only names that 
appear are those of Colonels Stewart and 
Butler, Lieut. -Col. Harmar, and Majors 
Alexander, Edwards and Hamilton. 
These six would just suffice for the two 
battalions, and from other references it is 
ascertained that they were arranged as 
given at the beginning of the Note. All 
these officers had been with Lafayette in 
the early part of the campaign, and four 
of them— Stewart, Harmar, Hamilton 
and Edwards — as well as Humpton, were 
in the Green Spring affair. Major Moore, 
named by Dr. Egle, is not mentioned in 
the Order Book, nor in any of the letters 
and journals, as far as known, until after 
the Pennsylvania troops moved south- 
ward, when Major James Moore is re- 
ferred to by Feltman. He may have 
joined Wayne with the detachment under 
Colonel Craig and Lieut.-Col. Mentges, 
which reached Yorktown just as the siege 
closed. I find no mention anywhere of 
Major Thomas Moore. 

As to Major Parr, it is quite safe to 
say that neither he nor his riflemen were 
at Yorktown. The riflemen who formed 
a part of the advanced guard on the 
march to that place, September 28, were 
a corps of Virginians under Col. Wm. I. 

Lewis. (Order Book.) Major Parr — 
James Parr, it must have been — had vol- 
unteered to raise a body of 300 riflemen 
for Washington's army in July and August, 
but did not succeed. On September 1 
the Pennsylvania Executive Council, con- 
sidering " the little probability " that the 
corps could be completed, thanked the 
Major for his services and attention and 
requested him to return what funds re- 
mained in his hands. (Penn. Col. Rec.) 
Enough men were recruited to form 
about a company, and they were in bar- 
racks at York, Pa., October 1, under 
Capt. Livergood. 

Finally, Major Reid, of Hazen's, men- 
tioned as of the rear guard, was acting as 
Major of Barber's Light Infantry Battal- 
ion, in which the Pennsylvania Line was 
not represented. This guard was mainly 
of New England and Jersey Infantry, and 
for that day only. The writer ventured 
to give a full roster of the armies at the 
siege in " The Yorktown Campaign," etc., 
1881. J. 

The first almanac maker in Ame- 
rica (vii., 372). — John Tully was by no 
means the first almanac maker in America 
by over fifty years. According to Isaiah 
Thomas, in his " History of Printing in 
America" (vol. i., 43, 46), Stephen Day 
was the printer of the first almanac, pub- 
lished in America in 1639. It was titled, 
"An Almanac Calculated for New Eng- 
land. By Mr. Pierce, Mariner," doubt- 
less the one referred to by President 
Elliot. Day also printed an almanac, for 
1640 and 1 641, under which latter date 
Thomas says, " One or more almanacs 
were printed every year at the Cambridge 
press. In all of them the year begins in 



March." In 1646 Day issued an almanac, 
by Samuel Danforth. In 1647 the Dan- 
forth Almanac bears the imprint of Mat- 
thew Day, son of Stephen. In 1648, Day 
(Saml.) printed " Oake's Astronomical 
Calculations," and "Danforth's Alma- 
nac." In 1649, he printed the latter; 
and Samuel Green, who began printing 
1630, also issued an almanac. Day died 
in 1649, and Green's Almanac appeared 
also in 1650. Then Johnson Green, 
Foster, Usher, and others came before 
Tully made his appearance in the field. 
Thomas' History of Printing, and Brin- 
ley's Catalogue, part I., p. %>% et seq., 
will give " W. H." all the information he 
can desire. Horace Edwin Hayden. 

Bibliography of andr£ (viii., 61) — 
The following are omitted from the paper 
on the above subject, in the January 
number : 

Andre's Capture and Execution. " His- 
tory of the Life and Services of Captain 
Samuel Dewees, a native of Pennsylvania, 
and soldier of the Revolutionary War. 
i2mo, Baltimore, Md., 1844," pp. 208- 
224. Dewees was one of the fifers who 
played the Dead March at Andre's exe- 
cution, and states that he was hung from 
a ladder, instead of a cart. In The 
Gleaner, a paper published at Wilkes 
Barre, Pa., issue of February 21, 18 17, oc- 
curs the editorial of which Mr. Benson 
gives only a part — (page 22 of his vin- 
dication of Andr6 — reprint of 1865). In 
the Gleaner of February 29, 181 7, oc- 
curs a second editorial, both written by 
Hon. Charles Miner, on the authority of 
Captain Samuel Bowman. The Daily 
Union Leader of Wilkes Barre, Pa., June 
16, 1880, contains a reprint of a letter 

which appeared in the same paper, June 
21, 1870, written by Captain Samuel Bow- 
man, who conducted Andre to the place 
of execution, describing the last hours of 
the spy. This letter has never been pub- 
lished elsewhere. 

Horace Edwin Hayden. 

Col. francis barber — (vi. 301) — 
There is some mistake in the statement 
in the Magazine that this officer was 
buried in the yard of the Presbyterian 
Church at New Windsor — there being no 
grave-yard attached to 'the church. 

In the new cemetery on the hill, a little 
distance west of the church, lie the re- 
mains of the Clintons, removed from the 
family burial-place at Little Britain in 
1876. C. A. C. 

Ear-rings worn by American sail- 
ors (1. 574) — John Minshull's comedy of 
" The Sprightly Widow," printed at New 
York in 1803, has the following foot-note : 
" The American sailors wear ear-rings to 
prevent their being pressed in England. 
Also to distinguish them from the English 
sailors when in France." 

The dramatist's explanation, it is to be 
regretted, is about as obscure as his com- 
edy. Perhaps Admiral Preble may be able 
to explain this singular custom. W. K. 

Valley forge — The old "Isaac Pott's man- 
sion," near the Reading Rail Road, about twenty- 
four feet by thirty-three feet in size, has a hand- 
some front of dressed stone, is well preserved, and 
bids fair to last for centuries. The present wing 
takes the place of one occupied by Mrs. Washing- 
ton. The log cabin, which was the dining-room, 
long ago disappeared. The two rooms on the 
ground floor are sacred by Washington's use, and 
a plain box in the sill of the east window is still 
indicated as the receptacle of his official papers. 




At the annual meeting of the New 
York Historical Society, held in its hall in 
this city, Tuesday, January 3, the Pres- 
ident, Frederic de Peyster, in the chair, 
a bust, executed in marble by Frederick 
Dunbar, of the late William Beach Law- 
rence, formerly Vice-President of the so- 
ciety, was presented by Gen. Jas. Grant 
Wilson in behalf of his oldest son, Isaac 
Lawrence. General Wilson also presented 
to the society, in behalf of the family, the 
manuscript of an address on the life and 
character of the distinguished statesman 
and former President of the society, Albert 
Gallatin, which was in course of prepara- 
tion by Governor Lawrence at the time 
of his death. These presentations were 
followed by an address, in the course of 
which General Wilson paid a high tribute 
to the character of Governor Lawrence 
as a scholar, and writer on international 
law. His magnum opus in six volumes, 
published at Leipsic, 1868-1880, and en- 
titled " Commentaire sur les Elements du 
Droit International, et sur L Histoire des 
Pr ogres du Droit du Gens" was written 
and issued in French. The thanks of the 
society were returned to the family of 
Governor Lawrence, and to General 

The very valuable posthumous paper 
prepared for the New York Historical 
Society by the late William Beach Law- 
rence of Newport, Rhode Island, enti- 
tled " The Life, Character and Public Ser- 
vices of Albert Gallatin," was read at the 
February meeting of the society by Ed- 
ward F. De Lancey, the audience evin- 
cing much interest in the address, which 
will shortly be printed by the society. 

At the last regular monthly meeting 
of the New York Historical Society, the 
Rev. P. F. Dealy, S. J., read a paper on 
Dongan, the great Colonial Governor, 
a portion of which paper appears in the 
present issue of the Magazine. Con- 
siderable useful material was presented 
in connection with this theme, and the 
subject was invested with fresh interest. 
Ample justice was done to the character 
of Governor Dongan, and the paper was 
enjoyed by an appreciative audience. 
Chief-Justice Daly, while applauding the 
effort in the main, took exception to 
the position maintained by the speaker, 
that James the Duke of York entertained 
large and comprehensive views in con- 
nection with English empire in America, 
saying that as soon as Dongan moved 
to carry out such views he was sup- 
pressed by his master. He also ob- 
jected to the view that the capture of 
New York by the British was desirable, 
averring that the English had no claim 
based on discovery; while the Dutch were 
in actual possession and doing well. The 
Dutch, however, it should be observed, 
were in an anomalous situation, sand- 
wiched in between two English colonies, 
where, in any event in the long run, they 
would have found it undesirable to com- 
pete, their position being illogical. Neither 
discovery nor occupancy, in certain cases, 
can establish national claims ; while in 
the case of New York, the English con- 
ceded to the Dutch every personal right 
which they had acquired. The action of 
the English in dispossessing the Dutch, 
was simply an application of the Monroe 
Doctrine in advance, a doctrine whose 
fitness is conceded by most Americans at 
the present time. 



At the New York Biographical and 
Genealogical Society, Mott Memorial 
Hall, Mr. Henry T. Drowne in the chair, 
Dr. Hague read an instructive and charm- 
ing paper on " Old Pelham* and New 
Rochelle," taking the listener with him 
into one of the most beautiful portions of 
Westchester, and discoursing, in a retro- 
spective manner, on subjects connected 
with the old Huguenot families, which 
abound with inteiesting themes. In clos- 
ing, he showed how the gift of the Pelham 
Huguenot, Peter Faneuil, to Boston, 
which consisted of the well-known Fan- 
euil Hall, or "Cradle of Liberty," was 
offset by the gift of the Boston merchants, 
who gave a hundred thousand dollars to 
the widow of Daniel Webster, Caroline 
Le Roy, also a Pelham Huguenot, who 
was residing in the old Le Roy mansion 
at the time of her decease. He was fol- 
lowed by Mr. Ed. F. De Lancey, who 
gave some deeply interesting reminis- 
cences of Pelham and the people, and 
thus added much to the interest of this 
extremely enjoyable occasion. 

The Maine Historical Society met in 
its. reception hall, Portland, on the 
evening of the birthday of Longfellow, 
and did due honor to the poet. After a 
congratulatory telegram, Mr. James P. 
Baxter read a poem written for the occa- 
sion. The Rev. H. S. Burrage gave a 
genealogical account of Longfellow's 
family and of his birth in Portland. The 
Hon. William Gould read a paper on 
General Peleg Wadsworth, the grand- 
father of the poet, and showed that the 
latter inherited the blood of five of the 
Mayflower pilgrims, including Elder 
Brewster and John Alden. Edward H. 

Elwell, editor of the Portland Transcript, 
described the Portland of Longfellow's 
youth. Dr. Alpheus Packard, of Bow- 
doin College, gave reminiscences of his 
college life, and the Hon. Geo. F. Talbot 
delivered an address upon the Genius of 
the Poet. The hall was overcrowded, 
and many literary people, with some of 
Longfellow's relatives, were present. 

At a recent stated meeting of the 
New England Historic Genealogical 
Society, a letter was. read from Mr. Ben- 
jamin dishing, of Dorchester, and ac- 
companying it was the original muster- 
roll of the company raised in 1756 by 
Major Samuel Thaxter, of Hingham, for 
the Crown Point expedition. This com- 
pany was a part of the garrison surren- 
dered at Fort William Henry to Mont- 
calm. In the subsequent massacre Major 
Thaxter was stripped by the Indians of all 
save his leather breeches, and tied to a 
tree, but two French officers liberated 
him. When he arrived home he found 
his death had been reported and that his 
funeral sermon was preached the Sunday 
before. The manuscript muster roll is 
given to the society by Mrs. Samuel Wil- 
lard, of Hingham, a great-grand-daughter 
of Major Thaxter. The Rev. Anson Ti- 
tus, of Weymouth, read an able paper on 
*' Certain Elements in the Development 
of American Character," and the Rev. 
Increase N. Tarbox, D.D., the histori- 
ographer of the society, reported me- 
morial sketches of the late Hon. Ezra 
Wilkinson, of Dedham, and Samuel W. 
Philips, of Syracuse, N. Y., deceased 
members of the society. Additions to 
the library were acknowledged by the 
Librarian, Mr. Dean. 





and Medals. By Elizabeth Bryant 
Johnston, pp. 245. Boston : James R. Os- 
good &Co., 1882. 

This sumptuous volume, a large quarto, forms 
another proof of the imperishable interest at- 
tached to the name of Washington. The title of 
the book indicates its wealth of illustration, which 
is supplemented by a copious letterpress, marked 
by a fair degree of judgment and good taste, be- 
sides autographs of artists. The artists number 
more than fifty, while there are thirty-two pages 
of illustrations. The list of portraits begins with 
Copley's beautiful miniature of Washington at the 
age of twenty-five, and ends with the delineations 
found on the medals. With the exception of 
Wertmuller's noble representation, which is on 
steel, the pictures are heliographs. They, how- 
ever, show this process at its best. Two of these 
pictures have already been given as rarities in the 
Magazine of American History — Mr. Bre- 
voort's St. Memin picture, and Latrobe's sketch, 
in the possession of President Ewing. The author 
of this volume gives an account of each artist and 
whatever may be known respecting the history of 
his work. The volume forms an illustrated cata- 
logue, projected on a most satisfactory and luxu- 
rious scale, and no collector of Washingtoniana 
can well do without it on his shelves. By the aid 
of this collection, the individual may make up the 
ideal Washington according to his own fancy, for 
nothing less than the ideal can give any satisfac- 
tion, the noblest delineation falling short of what 
most admirers of Washington picture to the mind's 
eye. In this work we have, in permanent pho- 
tography, reproductions of Copley, Peale, Stuart, 
and Trumbull, direct from the canvas, in many 
cases wanting nothing but the color, and convey- 
ing peculiarities of the artists' work to a degree 
that would be impossible by any other process. 

and Public Services of Arthur St. Clair, 
Soldier of the Revolutionary War, President of 
the Continental Congress, and Governor of the 
North-western Territory. With his Corre- 
spondence and other Papers, arranged and an- 
notated by Wm. Henry Smith. 2 vols. 8vo, 
pp. 609-649. 

Arthur St. Clair was of Scotch descent, being 
born in the town of Thurso, Caithness, in the 
year 1734. He passed some time at the Univer- 
sity of Edinburgh, and then undertook the study 
of medicine in London. At the age of twenty- 
three, however, he entered the army, and in 1 758 

he was with Amherst before Louisburg. He also 
served with Wolfe at Quebec ; but in 1762 he left 
the army, being at that time in the possession of 
a respectable fortune, eventually finding a home 
in Western Pennsylvania. 

When the Revolution dawned, he took the 
field for the Colonies, and went to Canada with 
his regiment, afterward being appointed a briga- 
dier under Washington in the Department of the 
South, rendering great service there until he took 
command of the Department of the North. Later 
he became a member of Washington's military 
family, and served with distinction to the end of 
the war. He was President of the last Continen- 
tal Congress, and, in 1787, was elected Governor 
of the Northwest Territory. In civil as in mili- 
tary life he rendered invaluable service, and did 
much to lay the foundations of Western society. 
Of necessity, he was prominent in the party issues 
of his times, and became a conspicuous mark for 
his enemies, who sought to obscure the lustre of 
his brilliant and upright career, which illustrated 
statesmanlike qualities. In 1802, however, he 
was removed from the office of Governor by 
Madison. In 1810 he found himself a bankrupt, 
owing to the advances made during the war to 
carry on the struggle for freedom. Then, surren- 
dering his mansion to satisfy creditors, he took up 
his abode in a log house, in which he ended his 
days, selling supplies to wagoners who passed by. 
He died in his eighty-fourth year, offering a con- 
spicuous illustration of the ingratitude of the Re- 
public, which doomed him to suffering and want. 
Yet even poverty could not deprive the trusted 
friend of 'Washington of his dignity and self-re- 
spect. St. Clair makes a picturesque though sad 
figure in the history of his times, which is so am- 
ply delineated in the volumes before us, packed as 
they are with valuable material. More than two 
hundred and fifty pages of the first volume are 
devoted to the biographical sketch, written in a 
free, admiring style, inspired by the spirit of a 
somewhat heroic subject. The editor of this work 
claims that it affords new evidence concerning 
events hitherto misrepresented, and notably con- 
cerning St. Clair's operations on the Delaware 
and his course at Ticonderoga. With regard, 
however, to his services in saving the army after 
the attack upon Trenton, and his evacuation of 
Ticonderoga, there is nothing that adds essen- 
tially to the record. Indeed, the Revolutionary 
correspondence is not quite so rich as we had 
hoped to find it, though embracing hitherto 
unpublished letters from leading generals and 
civilians. The second volume is made up very 
largely of material giving new and valuable infor- 
mation, including letters by General Harmar and 
documents illustrating the intrigues of the French 
and Spaniards on the Ohio. The State of Ohio 
has rendered an important service to the country 
in securing and rendering so much valuable mate- 
rial accessible to the general reader, who will find 



the work one of very great interest. The volume? 
are handsomely printed, and contain two por- 
traits of St. Clair, representing him at his prime 
and in his old age. We hope to treat the sub- 
ject hereafter more at length. 

Book of Common Prayer. The Anglican 
Reform, The Puritan Innovations, The Eliza- 
bethan Reaction, The Caroline Settlement. 
With Appendices. By H. M. Lucbock, D.D., 
Canon of Ely. pp. 247. New York : Thomas 
Whittaker, 1882. 

After the Bible, no book perhaps has done so 
much to mould and shape the sentiment and lan- 
guage of English-speaking people everywhere as 
the Book of Common Prayer, " those beautiful 
Collects." which, according to Macaulay, "had 
soothed the griefs of forty generations of Chris- 
tians." The history and literature of such a book 
must be of universal interest, whatever may be 
thought of it doctrinally. Such a history Canon 
Lucbock has given us. To make it more interest- 
ing, he presents us, as it were, with "counterfeit 
presentments" of the men who were concerned in 
bringing the Prayer-Book into its present form, 
that knowing the men we may better be able to 
judge of their work. His studies in History, not 
his history, are divided into the four great stages 
through which the Prayer-Book passed, and the 
whole subject is treated with intelligence and can- 
dor, and with freedom from bigotry and intolerance, 
most creditable to the author. We have found 
its chapters full of interest, and not the least so 
were those portions of the work which related to 
the liturgy of Baxter and to the Presbyterian Di- 
rectory of Worship. It is not Canon Lucbock's 
first venture into the field of authorship, and he 
deserves to be welcomed into the domain of his- 

BURG. By Abner Doubleday, Brevet Major- 
General U. S. A., and late Major-General 
U. S. V., commanding First Corps at Gettys- 
burg, pp. 243. New York : Charles Scrib- 
ner's Sons, 1882. 

The sixth volume of the campaigns of the civil 
war extends from the appointment of General 
Hooker to the retreat of General Lee after the 
decisive battle of Gettysburg, and is as full of 
interest as any of its predecessors. General 
Doubleday, by his acquaintance with the principal 
officers on both sides and with the statesmen of 
the day, and by his participation in the battle of 
Gettysburg, was especially qualified for the task 

assigned him, and he has made the most of his 
advantage. He has given a vivid description of 
the utter rout of the Eleventh Corps at Chan- 
cellorsville, and if censure falls heavily upon its 
commander, General Howard, it is more than 
justified by the fads and the proof. We fear we 
cannot say so much of the purpose of General 
Meade to retreat at Gettysburg after the first 
day, or at any time, and it looks a little as if 
General Doubleday was writing his book to fit 
his testimony on the conduct of the war and to 
defend a theory. The volume is well furnished 
with maps and will be widely read. 

BURG. By Francis Winthrop Palfrey, 
Brevet Brigadier- General U. S. V., and for- 
merly Colonel Twentieth Massachusetts In- 
fantry, Member of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, and of the Military Historical Society 
of Massachusetts. pp. 228. New York : 
Charles Scribner's Sons. 1882. 

It was a happy conception of the Messrs. Scrib- 
ner to publish a history of our civil war in a 
series of monographs, in nearly every instance 
written by those who were participants in the 
scenes they describe, and who have a special apti- 
tude for the work assigned them. It is to be 
completed in twelve volumes, and we do not 
hazard much in saying that it will be not only 
the latest, but the best of the histories of the war 
which have thus far been written. " The Antietam 
and Fredericksburg," by General Palfrey, is the 
fifth of the series, and is by no means the least 
interesting, though it is the history, in the one 
case, but of a partial success, and in the other of 
a serious disaster to the Union arms. General 
Palfrey holds the pen of a ready writer, and his 
descriptions of the two battles are picturesque and 
vivid: he makes his readers eye-witnesses of the 
dread conflict, they see the fierce onset of armed 
men and hear the clash of arms. His work is 
mainly narrative, and, as such, is full of interest, 
but it also abounds with criticisms, some of them 
sharp to severity upon the acts and the actors. 
It should be borne in mind that twenty years 
have elapsed since the two battles were fought, 
and the critic looks upon them not from the view- 
point of Generals McClellan and Burnside. He 
has the benefit of all the light that has been 
thrown upon the subject by subsequent research, 
and it is easier now to tell how the battles should 
have been fought, with our knowledge of the 
situation on both sides, than it was in 1862, when 
much of our light was only darkness to the Army 
of the Potomac. General Palfrey writes fearlessly 
and with candor, and much of his criticism will 
be accepted without demur, but to much of it ex- 



ception will be taken by military men. There is 
little doubt that McClellan's Fabian policy was 
carried to extreme. He was McClellan cunctator ; 
McClellan the unready; and many of the sharpest 
of General Palfrey's censures will find willing ears, 
while more, perhaps, will be deaf to his words of 
praise, where he says, " that there are strong 
grounds for believing that he was the best com- 
mander the Army of the Potomac ever had." 
Fredericksburg was fought by the lamented Gen- 
eral Burnside. No one can rise from the perusal 
of General Palfrey's history of the battle without 
a thorough conviction that it was a dreadful mis- 
take. It should never have been fought ; there 
was no possibility of success. Whatever may 
have been General Burnside's other qualities, he 
had not those which characterize great generals, 
and his rashness was more to be deplored than 
General McClellan's hesitation. 

Senate of the United States, in 1789- 
90-91. By William Maclay, a Senator 
from Pennsylvania. Edited by Geo. W. Har- 
ris, of Harrisburg, Pa., compiler of Harris' 
Reports of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, 
pp. 357. Harrisburg: Lane S. Hart, Prin- 
ter and Binder. 

One-half of the members of the first Senate of 
the United States were members of the conven- 
tion that formed our Constitution, and of the 
other half many were men of distinguished fame. 
The subjects upon which they were called to act- 
were of the greatest importance to the infant gov- 
ernment and to its future prosperity. They in- 
cluded the titles which were to be borne by the 
President and other functionaries, the location of 
the permanent seat of government, the establish- 
ment of the judiciary, the funding of the public 
debt, and the enactment of the first tariff. Un- 
fortunately, the Senate sat with closed doors, and 
we have no report of its debates and but little 
knowledge of their proceedings, except such as 
may be found in the scant allusions to them in 
the writings of the elder Adams, Madison, Jeffer- 
son, and others. The work of Mr. Maclay, a 
Senator from Pennsylvania, is not only a work of 
great interest, but one of historical value. It is 
a continuous diary of the proceedings of the Sen- 
ate during its first two years, and, so far as is 
known, it is the only work of the kind in exist- 
ence. We have the results of the Senate's actions 
in the laws that were passed, and Mr. Maclay 
gives us the processes and the considerations which 
moved the fathers of the Republic ; and it will be 
a source of surprise to some to find in the first 
Senate the self-seeking, not to say corruption, 
which has characterized the politics of later days. 

The fathers of the Republic had axes to grind. 
Mr. Maclay was a man of strict integrity, and 
while in his judgment of persons — even of Wash- 
ington, John Adams, and Robert Morris — there 
are strong traces of the partisan, and they are to 
be cautiously received, yet, as a record of facts, 
his diary is a valuable authority — it supplies a 
missing link in our early history. Much of it 
will be new to this generation ; all of it will be 
of interest. It is a contribution to our historical 
literature which we gladly welcome, and we can- 
not refrain from expressing our surprise that it is 
now for the first time given to the world. 

The Life of James Abram Garfield, 
Twentieth President of the United 
States. By J. M. Bundy. With an Ac- 
count of the President's Death and Funeral 
Obsequies, pp. 300. New York: A. S. Barnes 
& Co. 1881. 

Of the many lives of President Garfield^ we 
have seen none that will compare with that by 
Major Bundy. He had every possible facility for 
getting at the facts, much of his work being writ- 
ten at Mentor, as it were under General Gar- 
field's own eye, and he was a practised writer. 
He understood the art of condensation, and we 
have in this work a complete resume of the life 
of its distinguished subject from his birth in a log 
cabin to his burial at Cleveland, mourned by a 
nation's tears. It makes a handsome volume, 
and it is illustrated with portraits of General Gar- 
field, as a boy, soldier, and statesman, with por- 
traits of his mother, wife, and children, and with 
pictures of the houses in which he had lived, be- 
ginning with the log cabin and ending with the 
White House and Elberon. The volume is 
worthy of a place in the library, and will become 
a part of our permanent biographical literature. 

NIAL Sketch, pp. 295. New York and Chi- 
cago : A. S. Barnes & Co. 

We have here what may almost be called a life 
of Morgan, one of the most distinguished of the 
generals of the Revolution, and written by a 
lady. For her substantial facts she relies upon 
Botta, Graham, Greene, Bancroft, and other 
authorities; but, if she writes somewhat in the 
spirit of Parson Weems, it is fair to say that she 
owns that she has set her hero in a poetic light. 
Morgan has no faults, and seems to be the only 
general who is so fortunate. Arnold represents 
total depravity, and the authoress would hardly 
bury his leg, which was wounded in the American 



service, with the honors of war. Lee, of course, 
is a traitor, and Gates also. Greene is jealous 
and overrated, and Washington hardly escapes 
censure. But Morgan is the Bayard of the war, 
sans penr et sans reproche. He is followed through 
his whole career with words of praise. Cowpens 
is the battle of the seven years' struggle. The 
sketch is full of interest and is timely ; it is illus- 
trated with portraits of the chief generals and 
with plans of" the war, and it does not detract 
from its merits that it is the work of an advocate 
and not of a judge. 

World. By Ignatius Donnelly. Illus- 
trated. 121110, pp. 480. New York : Harper 
& Brothers. 1882. 

This book forms a piece of intrepid but by 
no means useless speculation. It will at least 
serve to draw attention anew to a subject every 
way worthy of the consideration of scientific 
minds. The story of Atlantis, which scholars 
have generally inclined to regard as a fable of 
Plato, has, indeed, received serious attention 
from time to time, and some attempts have been 
made to prove that the narrative of the old 
Greek, which tells of a great continent once ex- 
isting in the Atlantic, is not altogether the off- 
spring of a warm imagination, but that the nar- 
rative, substantially, conveys historic truth. The 
author of the above work, however, has treated 
the subject as no one ever treated it before — un- 
consciously, perhaps, showing the worthlessness 
as well as the worth of certain lines of discussion. 
The weakness in some parts of the work is so ap- 
parent that one might almost suspect the author 
of deliberate design ; yet the argument is never- 
theless presented with a seriousness which does 
not favor the theory that his main object was to 
make an attractive book. That a continent 
once existed in the central portion of the Atlan- 
tic, as taught by Plato, is by no means unreason- 
able ; but if this ever comes to be an article of 
historic belief — as, indeed, is likely to prove the 
case — it Will be established by a more scientific 
process than that which our author employs. That 
great changes have taken place in the Atlantic 
within comparatively recent times, is perfectly 
well understood ; and the fact that man was once 
able to walk on foot from Egypt to Greenland, 
passing through pleasant forests, viewing on the 
way tropical animals sporting on the bank of the 
Thames, is quite as certain as that the overland 
route to the Pacific was trodden before the emi- 
grant went to the Golden Gate on the iron rail. 
But whether men, in the olden times, with a few 
portages only, could travel from Spain or Africa 
to South America and the West Indies, remains 
to be demonstrated. Our author thinks that 
this was the case. It is certainly probable, but 

the Atlantic surveys and soundings warrant no 
such conclusions as he has drawn respecting the 
former existence of the continent of Atlantis ; nor 
does his treatment of the Deluge Legends seem to 
be in harmony with those philosophical principles 
which must guide the historical investigator in 
seeking to test the value of tradition. Plato 
tells us that the country called Atlantis sank in 
the sea, and this alleged event, our author infers, 
is the foundation of the deluge literature found 
all over the world, even as Atlantis was the seat 
of the human race and the home of whatever has 
made the history of man glorious and great. In 
this book, therefore, which really contains a great 
amount of useful knowledge, the author seeks to 
prove too much. More moderate claims would 
answer every purpose, though he has, perhaps, 
done a good work in showing what an enthusi- 
astic writer can really find to say on the subject. 
This, however, is by no means the end of the 
matter. A rigid science may yet be applied to 
the investigation, though before much progress is 
made the mind must be disabused of that still 
stubborn prejudice which stands opposed to the 
serious prosecution of studies of this kind, and 
even to the bulk of pre-Columbian investigation. 
To point out errors in detail is not the object of 
this notice, while the extravagance characterizing 
t his production will defeat and thus take care of 
itself. Nevertheless, we are glad that the book 
has been written, and that publishers have been 
found to bring it out in an attractive style. The 
author is a diligent inquirer, and has produced an 
exceedingly interesting work — one, indeed, well 
deserving the examination of the general reader, 
who may find his curiosity quickened and his 
mind prepared for more severe investigation. 



1674. Apres son exploration du Mississippi 
avec le P. Jaques Marquette en 1673, par 
Gabriel Gravier. Paris: Maisonneuve et 
ClE, Libraires-Editeurs, quai Voltaire 25 ; pp. 
49. 1880. 

As the people are just now showing unusual 
interest in the subject of La Salle's so-called 
" Discovery " of the Mississippi, it may not prove 
amiss to call attention toM. Gravier's monograph, 
printed in advance from the proceedings of the 
Americanistcs ; for if the word "discover" is 
used in its true sense, simply meaning to uncover 
what previously was understood to exist, there 
can be no objection to the term. That La Salle 
made no " discovery," in the too generally ac- 
cepted sense of the word, deserves to be more 
generally known. That he explored the Missis- 
sippi and advertised the special value of that 
stream to the world at large, cannot be denied. 

i 5 6 


In the same sense Henry Hudson "discovered" 
the river that now bears his name, though the 
river was known by Europeans early in the 16th 
century, Hudson having been recommended to 
explore the river by his friend, Captain John 
Smith. The proof that La Salle was not the 
first to make known the course of the Missis- 
sippi, is found in the map which accompanies the 
monograph of M. Gravier — a map drawn by the 
explorer, Louis Joliet, in 1674, which date it 
bears ; its existence in that year being attested 
by Frontenac, the Governor of Canada. Joliet, 
in his Letter to Frontenac, contained in an escut- 
cheon on the map, says that the discovery of this 
river, which was called " Buade," took place in 
" 1673 and 1674," or about ten years before La 
Salle made his voyage down the Father of Waters. 
This was the achievement of some Jesuit Mis- 
sionaries, who did the work, sketched the outline 
of their journey for Johet, and said no more 
about it, not caring who might get the credit of 
the performance. The map in question, which 
M. Gravier discusses with the fullest knowledge 
of the whole question of La Salle, to which pre- 
viously he had devoted a volume, is preserved in 
the Library of the Depot of Marine Charts at 
Paris. The chart is imperfect, and contains 
much that is conjectural ; yet, nevertheless, this 
is the earliest known chart that lays down the 
great lakes, and the Mississippi running to the sea ; 
for the author or authors had actually seen the 
Ottawa, the Wisconsin, the Illinois, the Ohio, 
and the Arkansas, which, with the great river 
to which they are tributary, are distinctly laid 
down. The "Buade" appears as the mighty 
stream to-day called the Mississippi ; and, though 
our author's sympathies are with La Salle, he dis- 
cusses all the related questions with discrimina- 
tion and fairness, even as Joliet claimed nothing 
for himself; in all his maps, generously recogniz- 
ing what La Salle had accomplished in the upper 
waters, and addressing Frontenac with joy in 
making known the fact that a magnificent high- 
way existed from the lakes to the Mexican gulf. 
La Salle knew this fact when he began its de- 
scent, as well as Henry Hudson knew of the ex- 
istence of the North River, the ancient Rio San 
Antonio of the Spanish maps, when, in 1609, he 
ascended that stream. Maps may yet be found 
to reveal the names of the now unknown Jesuits, 
who, in 1673, all unconscious of the value of their 
work, were borne along the swift flowing tide, 
upon which, the sad companions of Cabeza de 
Vaca had gazed, not comprehending, so far as 
we know, its value to mankind, nor even, per- 
haps, in their misery staying to ask whether the 
turbid flood that they crossed was a river or an 
inlet of the sea. M. Gravier, in this monograph, 
has made a rare addition to our Americana, the 
large map being produced in the brilliant colors 
of the original, and the entire work being charac- 
terized by judgment and good taste. 

United States History, from the Abori- 
ginal Period to 1876, containing brief sketches 
of important events and conspicuous actors. By 
Benson J. Lossing, LL.D. Illustrated by 
over one thousand engravings. In two vol- 
umes, pp. 1605. New York : Harper & 
Brothers. 1881. 

In undertaking this work the publishers pro- 
jected an enterprise that promised great benefit to 
students of history, and they are entitled to much 
credit for what they have actually achieved, even 
though the result, in the first edition, may not ap- 
pear altogether so satisfactory as desired. An 
admirable general plan has been laid out, and in 
future editions, for the work is one that will al- 
ways be in demand, the conception of author and 
publishers may be realized with advantage to 
themselves and the reader. Happily the history 
of our country has not yet become so unwieldy as 
to render it impossible to throw into a convenient 
encyclopedic form nearly, if not quite, all the sub- 
jects that claim the attention of readers at large. 
In a work of this kind, however, which seeks a 
broad constituency, one should not expect any 
exhaustive compilation. It is not to be supposed 
that every specialist is going to find in such a 
work the fullest information on obscure topics 
that do not interest half a dozen souls. Hence, 
some of the criticisms on this work are not well 
grounded. Still, though the general plan is good, 
it has faults ; and we have to call attention to the 
fact, that a work of this kind cannot exactly hope 
to become an authority, at least unless it distinctly 
shows some of those qualities which result from 
the work of specialists, acting on the co-operative 
plan. Even then the highest value of such a work 
would consist, not so much in seeking to be an 
authority, as in pointing out authorities and 
sources of information, a department of usefulness 
that the present volume ignores. Again, while 
topics that certainly ought to be mentioned are 
left out, others do not show the results of recent 
investigations, and ignore important discoveries 
well known to the most of those who are at ail 
familiar with the recent publications of historical, 
literary, and other learned societies. The failure 
with respect to many prominent New England 
subjects is very noticeable, while errors in the 
statement of facts are altogether too abundant. 
Under the circumstances this, perhaps, was inevit- 
able, and these matters are referred to, not for 
the purpose of discouraging those concerned, but 
rather with reference to that improvement in fu- 
ture editions which the accomplished editor, 
who has rendered so many valuable services to 
American history, very well understands how to 
effect. It is to be hoped that a new edition may 
be brought out soon, 

' ' 


Vol. VIII MARCH 1882 No. 3 


THE above title refers, not to the original Spanish colonization of Texas, 
but to its later Anglo-American colonization, which had much more 
important results. It is a singularity in the formation or growth of 
our Union, not often called to mind by the rising generation, that one of 
our States, only thirty-five years ago, was politically speaking a nation, 
which, though it had had a career of but ten years, and a population which 
barely amounted to myriads, had undergone the vicissitudes of war, diplo- 
matic complications, party strife, and local insurrection, and was recognized 
as independent by three of the leading governments of the world, as well as 
by others less potent. It claimed and brought into this Union an area 
equal to half of the inhabited portion of the original thirteen States when 
their independence was accomplished ; yet its numbers and resources were 
so meagre in proportion to the stand it took, that its brief existence as a na- 
tion seems like a farce on the stage of history. Such, however, it was not, 
viewing it as a whole ; for, though its history abounds in farcical episodes, 
which I have no desire to suppress, the importance of what it achieved, and 
of what resulted therefrom, forbids any sweeping application of contemptu- 
ous terms. As I have endeavored to show in a former article (Mag. OF 
Am. Hist., iv. 5), San Jacinto was the first link in that historic chain which 
ended with Gettysburg. 

In earlier articles I have given a synopsis of the revolt of Texas against 
Mexico, with some of its minor episodes, and, in my last, an outline of the 
campaign of 1836. I had contemplated making in this article a compendi- 
ous sketch of the history of the short-lived Republic, but I find it advisable 
first to devote a separate paper to what went before that history, and ush- 
ered in the national embryo. 

Texas, after its conquest from the aborigines, was never out of the pos- 
session of Spain till Mexico became independent. La Salle, the French 
explorer, claimed the merit of discovery some time after the section was 
occupied by Spain, and planted a small settlement on the coast of Texas, 


near La Vaca Bay, an intrusion which the actual possessors of the province 
soon punished, in the Spanish mode, by extermination. It was a rather in- 
formal but very effective way of extinguishing a squatter title, and the claim 
which France for a time set up to the boundary of the Rio Grande for 
Louisiana, in consequence of La Salle's brief intrusion two hundred miles 
east of that river, was the most impudent of false pretences, so much so that 
it was dropped long before Louisiana waS acquired by the United States, 
and the very shadow of it was renounced by that Government when it ac- 
quired Florida. That piece of old Bourbon assumption, however, was sur- 
passed by President Tyler when he sought to revive it by coining the worcl 

The word Texas, or Tejas, has a meaning in Spanish, 1 yet, in its geo- 
graphical sense, it was probably derived from the name of an Indian tribe. 
Though it is no longer found in that connection, there are faint traces of 
such an origin on record. The tract of country known by that name, with 
a much smaller area than it now has, was, under the Spanish Government, 
a province of the Vice Royalty of Mexico. When the independence of 
Mexico was established, and a Federal Constitution, modelled after our own, 
was adopted, the province of Texas, not having sufficient population by 
itself, was included with the province of Coahuila for the formation of a 
State, which was called the State of Coahuila and Texas. This duality of 
name was preserved to indicate the intention of erecting the section called 
Texas into a separate State when its growth of population and resources 
should justify such a measure. At this time the western boundary of Texas 
was the Nueces, the country between that river and the Rio Grande, then 
almost uninhabited, belonging partly to Coahuila and partly to the State of 
Tamaulipas. This formation of States occurred in 1824. At that time only 
a fraction of Texas was peopled, and, setting aside the Indians, who were 
not numerous, the section had only a Spanish-American population, occu- 
pying the little towns of San Antonio, Goliad, and Nacogdoches, with the 
farms and grazing ranchos around each. These three settlements, whose 
topographical bearing to each other may be represented by the points of 
a long triangle, were from a hundred to three hundred miles apart. This 
Mexican population of Texas did not then, I think, exceed seven or eight 
thousand souls. 

Under the Spanish Government all immigration from foreign countries 
had been prohibited ; but, shortly after independence was achieved, the 
door, under certain restrictions, was opened. Conditional grants of land 
for colonization were made to Stephen F. Austin and others, who were 
authorized to introduce settlers, and put them in possession of ample tracts, 


the title of each to be perfected by the colonist by making it available for 
tillage or grazing. The allowance of land was liberal, being a square league 
to each head of a family, and one-quarter as much to each unmarried set- 
tler; and the " empresario," or colonizing manager, received premium 
leagues according to the number of settlers he secured. In connection with 
these grants certain conditions were required of alien settlers, more rigid in 
form than in execution. The principal one was that each colonist and his 
family should conform to the Roman Catholic Church, but hardly a nominal 
enforcement of this was ever carried out. 

Of those " empresarios" of Texas, the only one who claims historical 
importance was Stephen F. Austin, who ought to rank high among the ob- 
scure great men who have worked out vast results from small beginnings, 
by dint of foresight, perseverance, and fortitude. Few men ever pos- 
sessed the quality of energetic equanimity in a higher degree. His life 
in full has never been written, but an admirable sketch of it has lately 
appeared from the pen of his nephew, the Hon. Guy M. Bryan, a former 
member of Congress from Texas. It was written for the " Encyclo- 
pedia of the New West," and appeared in the Galveston News of June 17, 

There are errors of construction, as well as of reconstruction, of which 
latter we have had experience. The mistake of Mexico in this measure was 
not in seeking to colonize some parts of her domain with a more enlightened 
and energetic race than her own, but in planting such colonies in a frontier 
province adjoining the country whence the immigrants had come. She 
overlooked the attraction of like to like, aided by proximity, and the ten- 
dency of such new population to break off its new connection and reattach 
to the old one. 

In consequence of the contracts and grants just mentioned, and the ad- 
mission of foreigners to naturalization in the ordinary way, and the facility 
for squatting, Texas in a few years acquired an Anglo-American population 
much larger than that of native origin. Thriving settlements grew up on 
each of the rivers, from the Sabine to the Nueces. With the exception of 
two Irish villages, one on and the other some miles east of the latter stream, 
this alien population was almost wholly Anglo-American. In it were found 
refugees from criminal justice, and more refugees from the creditors' duns ; 
but the former class, at least, was not so numerous as the rumor of that day 
asserted. The objectionable population was less numerous in the West than 
the East, for, in the former, immigration came in mainly under the coloniz- 
ing contracts, and the empresarios were cautious in regard to the character 
of any man to whom they granted land. If he had merely fled to avoid the 


payment of a ruinous security debt, his catechism was not rigid ; but only in 
exceptional cases could a jail-bird pass. I never heard of but one instance 
in which Stephen F. Austin admitted to his colony a man known to have 
led a criminal life, and that man made an appeal which the empresario could 
not resist. " I own," said the refugee, " that I have been a felon, but my 
family never shared my guilt, and ought not to suffer for it. I am weary of 
evil deeds and their penalties. Here is the only asylum where I can hope 
to mend my ways and lead an honest life. If you reject me, you make me 
a criminal for the rest of my days, and I am lost." Austin yielded. The 
man received his land, and, though his mere personal habits and manners 
did not much improve, he never fell back into criminal courses. Though 
the proportion of such refugees was not large enough to tell seriously on 
the coloring of the mass, it was sufficient to offer an interesting subject of 
study. There were some cases in which the opportunity for a new life 
seemed to work thorough regeneration in the depraved ; others, where a 
single and almost accidental error, which otherwise would have been ruin- 
ous, was nobly retrieved ; and some also where a self-sacrificing family 
sought exile to hide the disgrace of one. 

The position of that colonized population was anomalous. They had 
become citizens of a country whose language they did not understand, 
whose laws were to them mainly a sealed book. They had joined a people 
from whose masses, and in a measure from whose authorities, they were 
isolated. They elected, as permitted by the laws of Mexico, their own al- 
caldes ; but those magistrates had in a great measure to dispense with writ- 
ten law, and equity not uninjuriously took its place. In cases where rules 
of law seemed indispensable, it was not unusual for the two parties to agree 
for the trial of their question according to the laws of some State of our 
Union, it mattered little what State, and it was generally the only State 
whose printed laws were within reach of those concerned. The difficulty of 
litigation, I think, tended to make it less frequent, and to create a prefer- 
ence for the kind of arbitration which Spanish law wisely sanctions. There 
was little call for criminal law, except for acts of violence, for larceny and 
other petty crimes, which are the pest of cities, are not usually rife among 
men of the woods and prairies. Assaults in such communities are apt to 
take the shape of private affairs. Some homicides are substitutes for ex- 
ecutions, and are allowed to pass as such ; but when of an atrocious char- 
acter, demanding blood for blood, public indignation often simplifies and 
shortens the process of law. But in that era of Texas, I think, no case of 
individual punishment of crime ever led to a vendetta. In a new country, 
peopled as that was, clanship and hereditary resentment have no root for 


starting a succession of homicides ; each one begetting another like those 
which have long prevailed in Corsica. 

Slavery was prohibited in Mexico about five years after the Constitution 
was adopted ; but there was then no negro slavery for the decree to act on, 
except a very limited amount of it in the extreme South, and the colonies 
of Texas ; for some of the American settlers, already established there, had 
brought slaves with them. On an urgent representation of their case by 
Stephen F. Austin, however, an exception to the operation of the decree of 
abolition in Texas was made by the Government, with the proviso that no 
more slaves should be introduced. The exception continued effective ; but 
the proviso was never observed, nor was its neglect ever rigidly inquired 
into. Slavery was a thing which occupied but little of the public attention 
in Mexico, and in the United States it had not yet become a divine institu- 
tion at the South, ora" covenant with hell " in the North. 

The number of slaves introduced before the Texan war of independence 
was not large, and the interest of their owners was not among the origina- 
tors of that struggle ; for the largest slave-holders of the country shrank 
from the risk of the movement, and opposed it till it became too strong to 
be withstood. Soon after that struggle, and also for some years later, 
rumors prevailed in the North that large importations of Africans had been 
almost openly made into Texas, though the Constitution of the Republic 
forbade the introduction of slaves, except from the United States. The re- 
port was not wholly without foundation, but was greatly exaggerated. The 
few smugglings of Africans really made came by way of Cuba, and consisted 
of slaves just landed on that island. One of the first piracies of this kind 
was conducted by the notorious Monroe Edwards, who afterward died in 
one of the penitentiaries of this State ; and two other enterprises of similar 
character were about the same time carried out by men who acquired less 
notoriety. Of these affairs, one, I think, took place before the revolt, the 
others during its incipient stage, when the country was virtually in a state 
of anarchy. A few years after the Republic was established, but while its 
means of vigilance were weak, two or three other importations were made. 
These, I think, were the only introductions of Africans or of slaves from 
any other country than the United States ever made into Texas. None 
were made with the connivance of authority, and the whole number of 
negroes thus introduced probably did not exceed six hundred, less than had 
been at an earlier day smuggled into Florida. The people of Texas gen- 
erally, though not zealous against such acts, were not in favor of them. 
There never was a time, since the divine institution existed, when some 
Yankee skippers could not have been found to smuggle in, and some South- 


crn planters to buy, kidnapped Africans, if it could be done with as much 
safety as profit ; for our national god, the almighty dollar, never took so 
demoralizing a shape as when embodied in the " nigger." But in the time 
I speak of, the extreme worshippers of the black idol formed a minority. 
The repugnance felt by the North for the infamous traffic was then largely 
shared by the South ; but the feeling died rapidly away under the irrepressi- 
ble conflict, and I fear it was nearly dead when our civil war commenced. 

The treatment of the Anglo-American population of Texas by the Mex- 
ican Government, up to the time of Santa Anna's usurpation, was on the 
whole kind and indulgent. The feeling of that people toward that govern- 
ment was not hostile, but was restive and distrustful. There could be little 
faith in administrations known to be corrupt in all financial matters, and 
subject to periodical subversion. This unsettled feeling, quickened perhaps 
by designing men, drew the people of Texas, in 1832, into taking part in a 
civil conflict of Mexico so effectively that they captured from their garri- 
sons three military posts, those of Velasco, Anahuac, and Nacogdoches, the 
former after a gallant fight on both sides ; but in this movement the Texans 
happened to be on the winning side, and it passed off without doing them 

The frequent assertion that the colonizers of Texas went to that country 
with a deliberate design to steal it from the nation which gave them the use 
of it, may apply with some truth to a few far-seeing leaders and many idle 
adventurers, but not to the industrious masses. Most of the American set- 
tlers no doubt indulged vague visions of eventual annexation, but they felt 
willing to make the best of their union with Mexico, in the hope that a 
separate State Government would erelong afford them all reasonable facili- 
ties for home rule and local law. 

That body of people during their colonial era would compare well in 
character, and still better as to intelligence and manners, with most of our 
frontier populations. They formed a community where door-locks were 
viewed as superfluities, whether bowie-knives were or not, and where every 
man's cattle were safe, whether the owner were or not. The lazy loafer and 
genteel sponge were not unknown, but had not degenerated into the latter- 
day tramp. In the colonial era, and in that of the Republic, duels now and 
then occurred, but were not so rife as they then were in some of our States. 
Since annexation created a State Constitution, however, a stringent oath, 
required of all who accept office, has put an end to old-fashioned duelling 
in Texas, and nothing worse than street fights and assassination has taken 
its place. If accurate statistics could be obtained, I believe it would be 
found that, in proportion to population, murder was far less frequent, and 


was committed with less impunity in Texas during the early periods than it 
is now, and it is certain that highway robbery, now so rife, was then un- 
known. The state of society then was of a kind to be found only in a new 
country where climate, fertility, and general conditions made life easy and 
the habitual temper genial. I have heard old settlers, when in candid mood, 
own that colonial times were happier than those of the Republic. The fre- 
quent clouds of apprehension during the former weighed more lightly than 
the burdens and trials of the latter. 

In 1835, Santa Anna, then President of Mexico, made use of the military 
power his position gave him to subvert the Federal Constitution of 1824, 
and convert his country into a Central Republic, he still retaining the Presi- 
dency, with dictatorial powers added to the office, ostensibly for the time 
being, but meant by him to be permanent. After distributing his garrisons 
skilfully, he initiated his design by drawing forth, from every locality and 
section he could overawe, what purported to be popular declarations in 
favor of the change he contemplated, all ending with supplications that he 
would adopt and lead the movement, and give effect to its object. None 
of those calls were spontaneous or sincere ; yet only one State, Zacatecas, 
took any stand against the change which amounted to resistance. He 
moved promptly with a strong force against that State, defeated its troops, 
and captured its capital. 

Santa Anna, not long before his movement began, gave to Stephen F. 
Austin an inkling of what he intended, by observing that Mexico must 
have a stronger and a cheaper government. Mexico, indeed, had com- 
mitted a fearful blunder in seeking to imitate the United States. The latter 
adopted the federative principle to unite what was divided, while the former 
took it up to divide what was united. Santa Anna saw through the blunder, 
but the people did not. Could he have made the change he sought with 
their real consent, it would have been a wise one, but the way in which it 
was effected made it a barefaced usurpation. It was a death-blow to the 
dearest hope of Texas, that of having an autonomy of her own. Lack of 
numbers had up to this time kept her out of the rank of States, and now 
the rank itself was abolished. It gives a half comic aspect to the case that, 
although too weak for a State, self-preservation soon compelled her to swell 
up into a nation. 

Texas was now filled with agitation, which did not yet amount to in- 
surrection, a peril which the sober-minded majority still hoped to avoid. 
She had given in no formal submission to the change of government, nor 
did she yet resist it ; and she had no organization through which protest or 
resistance could take action. Being a mere geographical section of a State, 


she had no representative body, and Don Lorenzo Zavala, the Mexican re- 
fugee patriot, whose history I have already sketched, suggested that such 
an assemblage should be improvised, in the best way it might be, as a sub- 
stitute for the suppressed legislature of the State whereof Texas was an un- 
submissive portion. Action on this suggestion, which created the body 
called the Consultation, was the nearest approach that was made to a move- 
ment of State sovereignty, to which ignorant politicians were wont to liken 
the revolution of Texas. Of the action of the Consultation I have spoken 
in former articles. The revolt of Texas was the rising of a feeble frontier 
province against a governmental change to which an extensive country had 
submitted, with no other than local resistance, and generally without strong 
local protest ; and very plausible argument might be urged against the right 
of Texas to make a movement so presumptuous ; but I have already endeav- 
ored to show that the insurgents, from their own point of view, were fully 
justified in the action they took by the situation in which they were placed. 
The Consultation, as I have related, provided for a convention, which met, 
declared independence, framed a constitution, and then, before its ink was 
dry, fled for their lives. The declaration was a weak document, because it 
used many words when but few were needed ; but the organic law was 
better than many which have been framed under less distracting circum- 
stances. It did not provide for a powerless executive or an elective judi- 
ciary, but in the legislative branch it followed the error of all of our States 
in creating two Houses of Representatives, instead of making one of them 
a true Senate. When both branches of the legislative body are elected by 
the same constituency to represent precisely the same element, it would be 
cheaper to have but one. Simplicity merits the preference when nothing 
is gained by complexity, as would be done by giving a separate voice to 
the reflective and to the impulsive element of the community. 

My earlier articles have given an outline of the revolt of Texas, its early 
successes, later disasters, and final triumph. I have in my last related in 
some detail the campaign of 1836, whose shifting scenes ended with a ful- 
ness of dramatic catastrophe seldom equalled by fiction on the mimic stage. 
Stepping over those events. I take up the narrative at the time of Houston's 
departure for New Orleans, when he left Texas free of invaders and Santa 
Anna still a prisoner. 

The Government of Texas, after the victory of San Jacinto, had 
emerged from its insular place of refuge, and, after a brief sojourn in 
Houston's camp, repaired to Velasco, a hamlet at the mouth of the Brazos, 
where it went into feeble operation. This was the sixth place of its encamp- 
ment since the revolution broke out. A few months later it removed to 


Columbia, a place some twenty miles up the river, and thence, early the 
next year, to the new town of Houston. Two years later its location was 
changed to the newer city of Austin, where, with one interruption, it has 
remained ever since. 

David G. Burnet, the Provisional and First President of Texas, was 
elected for the provisional term of one year by the convention which 
framed the constitution. He was a native of New Jersey, a gentleman and 
scholar, a sincere patriot and devout Christian, and, withal, a good hater, 
especially of Sam Houston, who reciprocated the passion. Though elo- 
quent, and in some things sagacious, and in many ways gifted, Burnet was 
better endowed with every other kind of sense than hard common sense. 

At the time on which I am now entering, Filozoli had effected in safety 
the retreat for which Houston had bargained with Santa Anna. He was 
nearly over the Rio Grande, and no Mexican troops remained in the in- 
habited parts of Texas, except the prisoners, who, in the course of a year, 
were all released, when all of those who belonged to the ranks remained vol- 
untarily in the country. At Velasco, where Santa Anna was held a prison- 
er of State, President Burnet, about five weeks after the battle, gave a finish 
to Houston's expedient by making, with the captive President of Mexico, 
what was called a treaty. Though I have already mentioned this affair, it may 
not be amiss to refer to it more fully. By the provisions of the compact the 
powerless prisoner acknowledged the independence of Texas, with the Rio 
Grande for its southwestern boundary, and pledged himself, on being re- 
leased, to exert what authority and influence he might have left, to secure 
the acceptance of these terms by the Mexican Government. Though there 
was now ample reason for the liberation, and the treaty could do no harm, 
it seems strange that any one who knew aught of Santa Anna and of Mexico 
could have hoped for anything from this personal agreement ; yet Burnet 
was sanguine of its complete success. " In six months our consular flag 
will be flying in the City of Mexico," he exultingly exclaimed, on June 1st, 
when Santa Anna bade him adieu, and went on board the Texan schooner 
Invincible to sail for Vera Cruz. Unfortunately for the testing of the ex- 
periment, a local popular feeling against it was made effective by the pro- 
test of a body of volunteers lately arrived from New Orleans, and then 
encamped at Velasco. Their commander, Gen. Jeff. Green, though he had 
been but a few days in the country, was willing to take charge of its State 
affairs. A strong reaction against the sparing of Santa Anna had set in 
among the ruffianly element of Texas, which was willing to turn the captive 
over to the hangman after all the use had been made of him that could be, 
and the fresh volunteers from abroad, who were now taking the place of the 


soldiers of San Jacinto, caught the feeling. It proved so strong at Velasco 
that the President was coerced into breaking his pledge and revoking his or- 
der for embarkation ; and. when Santa Anna refused to land, he was brought 
on shore by Gen. Green with force of arms. Fortunately for the credit of 
Texas no other violence than this was committed. If Burnet's hopes were 
not sagacious, the opposition to his intent was neither sensible nor honor- 
able. Houston himself had done away with all right to make the pris- 
oner an object of punishment or reprisal. If the sparing of him was a 
fault, his execution now would be a crime. He was already a burden on 
the country — the hyena had grown into an elephant ; his liberation now 
could at least do no harm, and if a pledge were coupled with it, the only 
benefit from it to be hoped for was in letting him reach his home before his 
influence there had all evaporated. The affair shows how dangerous the con- 
dition of a community is when too much sovereignty is floating loosely 
about ; and it is worthy of remembrance, because it became the basis of the 
shallowest of fallacies in the U. S. Congress as well as in the press. One of 
the pleas set up, after annexation, for the boundary of the Rio Grande, was 
this treaty made with an individual while in bonds, and broken by the 
makers of it before he had time to act on his pledge. 

Santa Anna's captivity continued about six months longer, when Hous- 
ton, after he became President, got rid of the elephant by an unconditional 
liberation. Considering the weakness of authority and the state of society 
in Texas, it reflects no little credit on that country that the pledge of lead- 
ers and a feeble guard were sufficient to keep the captive in safety up to 
that time. 

Santa Anna's history abounds in those anomalies of fact, which, if in- 
troduced into fiction, would make it seem absurdly improbable. His fero- 
cious course in Texas was not in harmony with his previous career which 
had not been marked by inhumanity. His career in the field was at times 
highly successful, yet he often showed a lack of personal bravery and 
sagacity. During successive periods of one, two, or more years, he ex- 
ercised a control, almost absolute, over a country in which no intelligent 
person believed in his honesty or patriotism ; every fall he met with, it was 
supposed, would send him final obscurity ; yet till energy of body and 
mind were subdued by age, he evinced a capacity for recuperation which 
has seldom clung to a wiser leader and purer patriot. 

General Houston returned to Texas as early as his condition permitted, 
and was soon after elected to the first term of the regular Presidency, Mira- 
beau B. Lamar being chosen Vice-President. Zavala did not live out that 
eventful year, and his death was in a few months followed by that of Gen, 


Austin. Burnet did not serve out his full term, but resigned in October, 
1836, when Houston was inaugurated. The term of the first regular Presi- 
dent was two years, all succeeding terms to be three, and no one could 
serve two consecutive terms. 

The battle of San Jacinto broke the power of Mexico for offensive war- 
fare, for that disaster awakened revolutionary elements which taxed the 
resources of the country to keep them down, and no invasion of Texas 
worthy of the name thereafter occurred. A formidable expedition in that 
direction was long contemplated by Mexico ; but with distractions and mis- 
government she grew so rapidly weaker that every effort failed. During 
the few years between Houston's victory and annexation, raids were made 
by Texas against Mexico, as well by the latter against the former : they 
served only to show that offensive operations were hopeless to both, but 
most disastrous to the feebler of the two. The safety of the new Republic 
was owing, not to her own wisdom or discretion, but to the weakness of 
her enemy, and an abnormal source of growth in the migration from the 
United States. Yet, in spite of this prop, had Mexico possessed power 
proportionate to her numbers and natural resources, Texas must soon have 
been crushed ; and had the war been conducted according to civilized rules, 
foreign intervention would not have saved her. 

About five months after Houston's inauguration the independence of 
Texas was acknowledged by the United States, and this act lifted the new 
Republic from the pariah condition of a mere insurrectionary population, 
with no status of authority which could be recognized beyond her own 
borders. One government, and that the most potent of the New World, 
now saluted her as having entered the sisterhood of nations. The outcome 
of events showed that about the same time Mexico's real hope of con- 
quest died within her, though she would not yet own it to herself, nor for 
several years own it to the world. Here, then, with the immediate results 
of colonial revolt, this article may fitly end, as it is penned to introduce 
another, to which I referred in the beginning. 


1 Texa, or Teja (two modes of spelling with the same sound), is a word current among miners 
and smelters for a rough piece of silver or other metal, formed by pouring it out on the ground when 
molten ; and the addition of s forms the plural. But as Texas probably received the name before 
any mining was there attempted, and has never been much of a mining country, the name could 
hardly have originated from the Spanish meaning of the word. 


There was one phase of our revolutionary struggle peculiar in itself, 
and as interesting as a romance because of the skill, heroism and enter- 
prise it developed, which historians have failed to limn in striking 
and positive colors, partly, perhaps, because the necessary data were dif- 
ficult to obtain, and partly because the subject was not deemed of 
sufficient importance to justify so great an expenditure of labor. I 
refer to the whale-boat warfare waged chiefly between the Tories of 
Long Island and the Whigs of the seaboard towns of Connecticut, and 
carried on across the waters of the narrow sound that separated the 
hostile parties. This warfare began with the outbreak of hostilities in 
1775, continued to the peace of 1783, and affected the entire coasts 
of both communities, from Stamford to New London on the Connec- 
ticut shore, and from Throgg's Neck to Sag Harbor on the Long Island 
coast. The Cowboys and Skinners of the lower Hudson were 
organized gangs of plunderers, who harried friend and foe impartially. 
The warfare between Staten Island and the New Jersey shore was 
largely a neighborhood skirmish, the partisan warfare at the south 
a conflict of clans ; but the whale-boat service of the Sound combined 
the characteristics of all three, and to these added several peculiar fea- 
tures of its own, such as spying on the enemy, trading in goods declared 
contraband by the British, and abducting prominent gentlemen to be 
held as hostages or for exchange. As for the origin of this peculiar 
service, it is found in the political condition of the two commu- 
nities at the outbreak of hostilities, and in the organizations known as 
whaling companies, which could be employed only in a predatory, inter- 
mittent warfare. Connecticut was intensely Puritan and republican ; 
Long Island, settled by the conservative Dutch and by English gen- 
tlemen whose sympathies were entirely with the mother country, was 
as intensely monarchical and loyal. The guns of Lexington made these 
two communities bitter enemies. 

The whaling companies of which mention has been made had existed 
all along shore, on both sides of the Sound, from the earliest times, and 
were very perfect organizations in their way. They were originally 
formed for the capture of whales, at one time as plentiful in the Sound 
as later in Delagoa Bay or on the Brazil Banks. Even the Indians were 



engaged in their pursuit, and a law was passed as early as 1708 for their 
protection from any molestation or detention while thus employed. A 
company comprised from twelve to thirty men, each owning its boats 
and whaling gear, and prosecuting its enterprise independently of the 
others. The business long neglected was renewed by Robert Murray 
and the brothers Franklin, who fitted out a sloop in 1768. In 1772 the 
vessels were exempted from tonnage dues, and 1774 the United Whaling 
Company was formed with Philip Livingston for its President. It seems 
to have been closed in July, 1776, by such of the members as remained in 
the city of New York. The business had nearly died out at the begin- 
ning of the Revolution, yet the company organizations were still retained, 
and the outbreak of hostilities found little squads of men all along shore 
thoroughly equipped and drilled for a partisan service. No general com- 
bination seems to have been effected ; the Tories usually acting under 
commissions from the British authorities, and the Whigs as a part of the 
militia of their State. The objects of the different expeditions, as before 
hinted, were various ; sometimes they took the form of reprisals on the 
enemy, sometimes they carried spies, who penetrated the hostile ranks, 
and returned with valuable information. Again, they captured promi- 
nent persons, who were held as hostages or as prisoners of war. Some- 
times they were expeditions against the enemy's war vessels, garrisoned 
posts or military supplies, and not infrequently, it is to be feared, they 
degenerated into mere plundering excursions. 

Having thus glanced at the pre-existing conditions of the warfare, 
it will be interesting to consider in detail some of the more noteworthy 
exploits of these hardy privateersmen. First, and perhaps the most 
remarkable of these, was the expedition of the lamented Capt. Nathan 
Hale, whose tragic story, often told, seems to gain fresh interest with 
each recital. Washington, it will be remembered, after his retreat from 
Long Island, desired a thoroughly competent person to visit the enemy's 
camp and report his numbers, and plans in full. Captain Hale, 
young, talented, but two years out of college, the idol of the army, 
volunteered his services. " I have been nearly a year in the service 
without doing anything of moment for my country, and now that 
an opportunity offers I dare not refuse," he said in answer to the remon- 
strances of his friends. Washington accepted the sacrifice, and the 
chivalrous young patriot at once began preparations for the enterprise. 
To cross over directly from New York to Brooklyn into the enemy's 
camp would court discovery, but to pass eastward into some of the 
Connecticut towns, thence cross the Sound by means of the whale-boat 



service, and so approach the hostile camp from among its friends, offered 
a fair prospect of success ; and this plan Captain Hale adopted. He chose 
Fairfield, Conn., as his point of departure. This town was then one of 
the first importance, and exerted as much influence in State affairs as 
either New Haven or Hartford. It was the centre of the republican 
cause in Western Connecticut, and, as will be seen, the nucleus of the 
whale-boat service, expeditions radiating from it in all directions except 
landward, like spokes from a hub. The ancient town was already in 
arms, its two militia companies were fully armed and equipped, a patrol 
of twenty seamen guarded the coast nightly from sunset to sunrise 
against Tory incursions, and two whale-boat crews had already been 
out spying the enemy's movements and harrassing him whenever an 
opportunity offered. Captain Hale arrived in the town on the 14th of 
September, 1776, bearing a letter from General Washington, instructing 
any of the American armed vessels to speed his passage across the 
Sound. Presenting this letter to the town Committee of Safety, a 
whale-boat and its crew were at once put in requisition, and that same 
night he was safely and secretly conveyed to the island, and reached 
Huntington early next morning, from which place he succeeded in 
penetrating the British lines. His subsequent movements and sad fate 
are too well known to need recapitulation here. After this episode no 
further action of importance is found in the annals of the service until 
the August of 1777. In the beginning of that year a company of Tories, 
under Colonel Richard Hewlett, took possession of the old Presby- 
terian Church in Brookhaven on Long Island, nearly opposite Fairfield, 
and proceeded to fortify it, surrounding it with a stockade and other 
defensive works. Early in August Colonel Abraham Parsons, who 
later rose to the command of a brigade in General Putnam's division, 
began collecting a force in Fairfield for the reduction of this novel 
fortress. Having mustered one hundred and fifty men, provided with 
muskets and one brass six-pounder, he embarked from Black Rock 
Harbor in Fairfield in a sloop and six whale-boats for the purpose of 
capturing the Tory stronghold. It was the evening of the 14th of 
August, 1777, and before daybreak next morning they had landed at 
Crane Neck Bend, near the village. Here leaving their boats, they 
marched quickly to the church, dragging the six-pounder through the 
sands. Arrived at a proper distance, the detachment halted, and a flag 
of truce was sent to Colonel Hewlett, demanding an unconditional sur- 
render. This being refused, fire was opened at once, and returned in a 
spirited manner by the besieged. Before anything could be accom- 


plished, however, word was brought that a British fleet was sailing 
down the Sound, and fearing that his retreat might be cut off, Colonel 
Parsons ordered his detachment to the boats. They reembarked in 
good order and reached Black Rock the same evening, bringing with 
them no trophies except a few of the enemy's horses and some military 
stores. For the next year and a half the whale-boat service was chiefly 
employed in spying on the enemy, cutting off his unarmed vessels, 
making plundering incursions into his lines, and harrassing him in much 
the same manner that the gad-fly torments the ox. Indeed, such was 
their enterprise, that no royalist on Long Island considered himself safe 
without an armed guard, and most of the British officers on the island 
repaired to New York and Brooklyn for protection. 

In the spring of 1779 Sir Henry Clinton determined to pay off 
the Connecticut privateersmen in their own coin. General Gold Sel- 
leck Silliman, a descendant of an old Connecticut family, was then 
living at Holland Hill, a fine old country seat in the town of Fair- 
field, about two miles out of the village. He was one of the most 
prominent Whigs in his section. After the battle of Long Island, and 
before the army moved from New York, General Washington had 
given him the command of a brigade. Later Governor Trumbull 
made him his deputy in consultations with the Commander-in-Chief, 
and there is still extant a long letter from Washington to him, on 
matters connected with the army, written while he was acting in this 
capacity. He had been trained to the law, and as a delegate to the 
Continental Congress had done good service for the people. At the 
time of which I write he was a member of the town's Committee of 
Inspection and Correspondence, and had been appointed by the Gov- 
ernor and Council commander of all the State forces in the vicinity of 
Fairfield, his house at Holland Hill being retained as his headquarters. 
General Clinton now determined on his capture. He selected a man 
named Glover, a Tory refugee, formerly of Newtown, who had once 
worked for the General and knew him well, with eight other refugees, 
for this purpose. The party left Lloyd-Neck, L. I., in a whale-boat on 
the evening of the first of May, and reached Fairfield about midnight, 
when, leaving one man to guard the boat, the others surrounded the 
Silliman mansion and began rapping for admission. The journal of 
Mrs. Silliman contains so graphic an account of the attack and abduc- 
tion that it is given in her own words: 

"At a midnight hour, when we were all asleep, the house was attacked. I was 
first awakened by the General's calling out, 'Who's there?' At that instant there 


was a banging at both doors, they intending to break them down or burst them 
open — and this was done with great stones as big almost as they could lift, which 
they left at the door. My dear companion then sprang up, caught his gun and ran 
to the front of the house, and as the moon shone brightly saw them through the 
window, and attempted to fire, but his gun only flashed and missed fire. At that 
instant the enemy burst in a window, sash and all, jumped in, seized him and said 
he was their prisoner, and must go with them. He asked if he might dress him- 
self. They said yes, if he would be quick. They followed him into the bed-room, 
where I and my dear little boy lay, with their guns and bayonets fixed ; their 
appearance was dreadful ; it was then their prisoner addressed them in mild terms 
and begged them to leave the room, and told them their being there would 
frighten his wife. They then withdrew for a moment or two, and then returned, 
when he asked them out again and shut the door. After that I heard them break- 
ing the windows, which they wantonly did with the breeches of their guns. They 
then asked him for his money ; he told them he had none but continental, and that 
would do them no good. Then they wished his papers. He said his public papers 
were all sent abroad, and his private papers would be of no use to them. Then 
some wanted one thing and some another. He told them mildly he hoped he was 
in the hands of gentlemen, and that it was not their purpose to plunder. With 
these arguments he quieted them so that they plundered but little. They then 
told him he must go. He asked if he might take leave of his wife. They said 
yes if he would make haste — he then came in and dropped a bundle of his most 
valuable private papers under something on the table, took leave of me with great 
seeming fortitude and composure, and went away with them. As soon as I heard 
the door shut I arose and went to the bed-room of our son William, and found he 
was gone, although I did not hear any of them taking him. I then went to the 
door, and saw them bearing away their prisoners. I then went to inform those at 
the next house, when they fired a gun, which frightened the enemy very much, as 
they had not got above a quarter of a mile from our house. They took them down 
about two miles to their whaleboat, where they had left one man, and proceeded on 
their journey to Long Island. I heard nothing more from them in three weeks. 
After three weeks I received a letter from the General informing me where he was. 
I think they were then at Flatbush on. Long Island. In that he told me where to 
send my letters to him for inspection, as no letters were suffered to pass without. 
* * * Nine men came over in the boat. They embarked between the hours of 
one and two o'clock Sabbath morning, and had a boisterous time over. They took 
a fusee, a pair of elegant pistols inlaid with silver, and an elegant sword which one 
of them who had worked at our house took much pleasure in flourishing about, and 
he it was who piloted them. On arriving at (Lloyd-Neck) Long Island they were 
hailed by Col. Simcoe, who commanded there, 'Have you got him?' 'Yes.' 
1 Llave you lost any men?' 'No.' 'That's well,' said Simcoe. ' Your Sillimans 
and your Washingtons are not worth a man.' He then ordered his men to the 


guard house with the prisoner. Said the General 'Am I going to the guard house ? ' 
'Yes!' When they came there, he said to the adjutant, 'Is it thus you treat 
prisoners of my rank ? ' He said, ' We do not look on you as we should on a con- 
tinental General.' ' But how will you view me when an exchange is talked of ? ' 
'I understand you, Sir,' and walked out, as I suppose, to report to his commanding 
officer. Soon after a horse and carriage was sent to bring them to New York, 
guarded by a corps of dragoons. On his arrival all nocked to see the rebel. 
They gave him good lodgings until he was ordered to Flatbush, where he remained 
until exchanged for Judge Jones." 

This bold abduction excited the liveliest commotion, not only in the 
town but throughout the State, and led to redoubled vigilance on the 
part of the coast guard, which had somewhat slackened in watchfulness 
as the days passed on and no enemy appeared. Negotiations were at 
once opened with the enemy for an exchange of their prisoner, but it 
was soon found that the Americans had no one in their possession whom 
the British would consider an equivalent for the General. In nowise 
disconcerted, however, the hardy privateersmen determined on cap- 
turing some person of equal rank, and began casting about for a 
prisoner. There was then living at Fort Neck, a village in the town of 
Oyster Bay, Long Island, the Hon. Thomas Jones, a Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the Province of New York, a staunch royalist; 
this gentleman was selected as a proper subject for their enterprise. 
Through the golden autumn days a plan was slowly matured in the 
village. Captain David Hawley, one of the most skillful captains in 
the service, aided by Captains Lockwood and Jones, quietly enlisted 
twenty-five of the bravest men in their commands, and on the evening 
of the 4th of November, 1779, set off in whale-boats from Newfield 
(now Bridgeport) Harbor. A few hours brought them across the 
Sound, and into Stony Brook Creek near Smithtown, where they dis- 
embarked and at once set out for the Judge's residence, fifty-two miles 
distant. They arrived there about nine o'clock on the evening of the 
6th. A merry party had assembled at the mansion, music and dancing 
were in progress, and the noise effectually prevented the approach of 
the party from being heard. Captain Hawley knocked at the door, but 
perceiving that no one heard him, forced it, entered and found Judge 
Jones standing in the hall. Telling the Judge that he was his prisoner, he 
forced him to depart with him, together with a young man named Hew- 
lett. According to the journal above quoted, the party met with sev- 
eral adventures on their return to the boats. At one place they had to 
pass a guard of soldiers posted near the road. Here the Judge hemmed 


very loud, whereupon Captain Hawley forbade him to repeat the 
sound. He, however, repeated it, but on being told that a repetition 
would be attended by fatal consequences he desisted, and the picket 
was passed in safety. When day broke the adventurers concealed 
themselves in a thick forest until nightfall, and then resumed their 
journey. They reached their boats on the third night, and crossed to 
Black Rock with their prisoners, having met with no mishap except the 
loss of six men, who, having lagged behind on the third night, were 
captured by the light horse which closely pursued them. Mrs. Silli- 
man, a most amiable and accomplished lady, hearing of the Judge's 
arrival, sent him an invitation to breakfast, which he accepted, and 
during his stay in Fairfield he was the guest of the mansion, its fair 
mistress doing all in her power to make his situation agreeable ; yet we 
are told that he remained distant, reserved and sullen. After several 
days he was removed to Middletown on the Connecticut, and nego- 
tiations were again opened for an exchange. It was six months, how- 
ever, before the British would accept the terms proposed ; but at length, 
in May, 1780, they agreed that if a certain notorious refugee, named 
Washburn, could be included in the exchange, they would release Gen- 
eral Silliman for Judge Jones, and his son for Mr. Hewlett. A very 
pleasant incident of the transfer of the prisoners is recorded. The 
vessel bearing General Silliman met the one conveying Judge Jones in 
the middle of the Sound, whereupon the vessels were brought to, and 
the gentlemen dined amicably together, after which they proceeded to 
their respective homes. 

A little more than a year elapsed, and then the village was stirred 
by the departure of another expedition, bound on a still more haz- 
ardous service. It consisted of eighty men, part ot them dismounted 
dragoons from Colonel Sheldon's regiment, and was under the com- 
mand of Major, afterwards Colonel, Benjamin Tallmadge, who will be 
remembered as attending Major Andre at the scaffold, and afterwards 
as a representative in Congress from Connecticut for sixteen years. 
The object of the expedition was Fort St. George, erected on a point 
projecting into the Great South Bay at Mastic, L. I. The party 
embarked at Fairfield November 21, 1780, at 4 P.M., in eight whale- 
boats. "They crossed the Sound in four hours, and landed at Old- 
Man's at nine o'clock. The troops had marched about five miles, when, 
it beginning to rain, they returned and took shelter under their boats, 
and lay concealed in the bushes all that night and the next day. At 
evening, the rain abating, the troops were again put in motion, and at 


three o'clock in the morning were within two miles of the fort. Here 
he divided his men into three parties, ordering each to attack the fort 
at the same time at different points. The order was so well executed 
that the three divisions arrived nearly at the same time. It was a trian- 
gular inclosure of several acres, thoroughly stockaded, well barricaded 
houses at two of the angles, and at the third a fort, with a deep ditch 
and wall, encircled by an abattis of sharpened pickets projecting at an 
angle of forty-five degrees. The stockade was cut down, the column 
led through the grand parade, and in ten minutes the main fort was 
carried by the bayonet. The vessels near the fort, laden with stores, 
attempted to escape, but the guns of the fort being brought to bear upon 
them, they were secured and burnt, as were the works and stores. The 
number of prisoners was fifty-four, of whom seven were wounded. 
While they marched to the boats under an escort, Major Tallmadge 
proceeded with the remainder of the detachment, destroyed about 
three hundred tons of hay collected at Corum, and returned to the 
place of debarkation just as the party with the prisoners arrived, 
and reached Fairfield by eleven o'clock the same evening, having accom- 
plished the enterprise, including a march of forty miles by land and as 
much by water, without the loss of a man." 

For this exploit Major Tallmadge was honored with an autograph 
letter of thanks from General Washington, and with a complimentary 
resolution from Congress. It was not the first nor the last time that this 
gallant officer made use of the whale-boat service to annoy the enemy. 
Very early in the war he had opened a secret correspondence for Wash- 
ington with the Whigs of Long Island, and kept one or more boats 
constantly employed in this service. In 1777 a band of Tory marauders 
had established themselves, under the protection of a strongly fortified 
post erected by the British, on an elevated promontory, between Hun- 
tington and Oyster Bay, whence they would steal out in their boats and 
commit depredations on the Connecticut coast. Tallmadge, learning of 
the retreat of this horde of bandits, determined to break it up, and on 
the 5th of September, 1777, embarked with 130 men at Shippon's Point, 
near Stamford, at eight o'clock in the evening, landed at Lloyd's Neck, 
captured the entire party, and returned to Stamford before morning 
dawned; and again in October, 1781, he embarked his forces at Nor- 
walk and captured and burned Fort Slongo at Tredwell's Bank, near 
Smithtown, bringing off a number of prisoners and a piece of artillery. 

Captain Caleb Brewster of Fairfield was another Continental officer 
who figures largely in the records of the whale-boat service. In 1781 



he captured an armed boat with her crew on the Sound, and brought 
both safely into Fairfield, and on the 7th of December, 1782, was the 
hero of one of the most famous and desperate encounters of the priva- 
teersmen, which is still spoken of in Fairfield as the " boat fight." 
On the morning of that day several of the enemy's armed boats were 
seen proceeding down the Sound, and Captain Brewster, with his hardy 
veterans, at once put out from Fairfield to intercept them. Forcing his 
boats into the midst of the enemy's fleet, a hand to hand conflict ensued, 
so deadly that in twenty minutes nearly every man on both sides was 
either killed or wounded, the gallant captain himself being pierced by 
a rifle ball through the shoulder. Two of the enemy's boats were cap- 
tured in this affair, the others succeeding in making their escape. This 
gallant act brought the captain the plaudits of his countrymen, and a 
pension for life from Congress. In a year his wound had so far recov- 
ered that he was ready for active service again, and took command of 
an expedition for capturing the Fox, a British armed vessel that had 
been stationed in the Sound to prevent the roaming of the privateers- 
men, and had long been a source of annoyance to them. On a dark 
night — the 9th of March, 1783 — the boats left Fairfield, and stealing 
upon the Fox as she lay at anchor, captain and men leaped on board 
with fixed bayonets, and in two minutes the vessel was at their mercy. 
Captain Johnson of the Fox and two of his men were killed and several 
wounded, while of the patriots not a person was injured. After the 
war Captain Brewster was commander of the revenue cutter of the dis- 
trict of New York for a number of years. He died at Black Rock, 
Fairfield, February 13, 1827, aged seventy-nine years. 

But the operations of the whale-boatmen were not always of an 
offensive character ; they were sometimes obliged to act on the defen- 
sive — but generally, even in such cases, with credit to themselves. 
Early in March, 1780, a band of seven men, commanded by one Alex- 
ander Graham, a deserter from the American army, but who then bore 
a commission from General Howe, authorizing him to recruit Connec- 
ticut Tories for the British army, landed on the coast at or near Bran- 
ford, and marched inland to the house of Captain Ebenezer Dayton in 
Bethany, a merchant, who had been obliged to flee from Long Island 
to escape the persecutions of the Tories. In the absence of the 
captain they broke into the house, and destroyed or carried off nearly 
five thousand pounds worth of property. From this place they pro- 
ceeded to Middlebury, where they were secreted in the cellar of a Tory 
family for several days, and afterward to Oxford, where they lay sev- 


eral days longer in a barn. At length, leaving their retreat here, they 
passed through Derby, and down the Housatonic to Stratford, where 
they took a whale-boat and set out for Long Island. Their passage 
through Derby had been discovered, however, and two whale-boats 
with their crews, under command of Captains Clarke and Harvey, 
started in pursuit, and after a brisk chase succeeded in overhauling the 
marauders just as they were entering the British lines. They were 
brought back in triumph, tried and condemned, Graham, the com- 
mander, to be hung, and the others to the tender mercies of the old 

No unimportant place in the annals of the whale-boat service of the 
Revolution belongs to Captain Marriner of Harlem and Captain Hyler 
of New Brunswick. In an old time-stained copy of the Naval Magazine, 
printed nearly sixty years ago, is to be found a very interesting and 
gossipy account of these famous chieftains, communicated by General 
Jeremiah Johnson, himself a revolutionary veteran and privy to the 
facts which he relates. I give the article nearly entire: 

" Hyler and Marriner cruised between Egg Harbor and Staten Island. Hyler 
took several ships and levied contributions on the New York fishermen on the 
fishing banks. He frequently visited Long Island. He took a Hessian Major at 
night from the house of Michael Bergen at Gowanus, when his soldiers were 
encamped near the house. He surprised and took a sergeant's guard at Canarsie 
from the house of their Captain, Schenck. The guards were at supper, and their 
muskets standing in the hall, when Hyler entered with his men. He seized the 
arms, and after jesting with the guards, he borrowed the silver spoons for his 
family ; took a few other articles, with all the muskets, and made one prisoner. 
He sent the guard to report themselves to Colonel Axtell, and returned to New 
Jersey. Capt, Hyler also paid a visit to Colonel Lott at Flatlands. The Colonel 
was known to be rich ; his money and his person were the objects desired. He 
was surprised in his house and taken. His cupboard was searched for money, and 
some silver found ; and, on further search, two bags supposed to contain guineas 
were discovered. These, with the silver, the colonel and two of his negroes, were 
taken to New Brunswick. In the morning, on the passage up the Raritan, the 
captain and crew agreed to count and divide the guineas. The bags were opened, 
when, to the mortification of the crew, they found the bags contained only half- 
pennies belonging to the church of Flatlands ; and the colonel also discovered 
that his guineas were safe at home. The crew were disappointed in their Scotch 
prize. They, however, determined to make the most of the adventure ; they took 
the Colonel and his negroes to New Brunswick, where they compelled him to 
ransom his negroes, and then permitted him to return home on parole. Capt. Hyler 
also took a corvette of twenty guns about nine o'clock at night in Coney Island 


Bay. The ship lay at anchor, bound for Halifax, to complete her crew. The 
night was dark ; one of the boats with muffled oars was rowed up close under the 
stern of the ship, where the officers were to be seen at a game of cards in the 
cabin, and no watch on deck. The spy-boat then fell astern co her consort and 
reported, when orders were passed to board. The boats were rowed up silently 
— the ship boarded instantly on both sides — and not a man was injured. The 
officers were confined in the cabin and the crew below. The captain ordered the 
officers and crew to be taken out of the ship, well fettered and placed in the 
whale-boats. Afterwards a few articles were taken from the ship and she was set 
on fire, when Capt. Hyler left her with his prisoners for New Brunswick. 

" My informant, one of the men who took the ship, stated that the captain of 
the corvette wept as they were crossing the Bay, and reproached himself for per- 
mitting one of his Majesty's ships to be surprised and taken by 'two d — d egg 
shells,' and he added that there were $40,000 on board the burning vessel, which 
Captain Hyler and his crew deserved for their gallant enterprise. The booty how- 
ever was lost. 

" After the notorious refugee Lippincott had barbarously murdered Captain 
Huddy at Sandy Hook, General Washington was very anxious to have the mur- 
derer secured. He had been demanded from the British general and his surrender 
refused. Retaliation was decided on by General Washington. Young Asgill was 
to be the innocent victim to atone for the death of Capt. Huddy. He was saved 
by the mediation of the Queen of France. Capt. Hyler determined to take Lip- 
pincott. On inquiry he found that he resided in a well known house in Broad 
street, New York. Dressed and equipped like a man-of-war press-gang, he left 
the Kills with one boat after dark, and arrived at Whitehall about nine o'clock. 
Here he left his boat in charge of three men, and then passed to the residence of 
Lippincott, where he inquired for him, and found he was absent and gone to a 
cockpit. Captain Hyler thus failed in the object of his pursuit and visit to the 
city. He returned to his boat with his press-gang, and left Whitehall ; but finding 
a sloop lying at anchor off the Battery from the West Indies laden with rum, he 
took the vessel, cut her cable, set her sails, and with a north-east wind sailed to 
Elizabethtown Point, and before daylight had landed from her, and secured, forty 
hogsheads of rum. He then burned the sloop to prevent her re-capture. 

Captain Marriner resided many years at Harlem and on Ward's Island after 
the war. He was a man of eccentric character, witty and ingenious, and abounding 
in anecdotes ; but he had his faults. He had been taken by the British, was on 
parole in King's County and quartered with Rem Van Pelt of New Utrecht. The 
prisoners among the officers had the liberty of the four southern towns of the 
county. Many of them frequented Dr. Van Buren's Tavern in Flatbush. Here 
our captain's sarcastic wit in conversation with Major Sherbrook of the British 
army led to abusive language from the Major to the prisoner. After some time 
Marriner was exchanged, when he determined to capture Major Sherbrook, Col- 



onel Matthews (Mayor of New York), Colonel Axtell and a Major Bache, who all 
resided in Flatbush, were noted and abusive Tories, and obnoxious to the Amer- 
ican officers. For the purpose of carrying his design into execution, he repaired 
to New Brunswick and procured a whale-boat. This he manned with a crew of 
well armed volunteers, with whom he proceeded to New Utrecht, and landed on 
the beach at Bath, about half-past nine o'clock in the evening. Leaving two men 
in charge of the boat, with the rest of the crew he marched unmolested to Flat- 
bush church, where he divided his men into four squads, assigning a house to each ; 
each party or squad was provided with a heavy post to break in the doors. All 
was silent in the village. Captain Marriner selected the house of George Mar- 
tence, where his friend, the Major, quartered, for himself ; the other parties 
proceeded to their assigned houses. Time was given to each to arrive at its des- 
tination ; and it was agreed that when Marriner struck his door, the others were 
to break in theirs, and repair to the church with their prisoners. The doors were 
broken at the same time. Marriner found the Major behind a large chimney in 
the garret where he had hidden himself ; and where he surrendered in the presence 
of his landlady who lit the way for Marriner. The Major was permitted to take 
his small clothes in his hand, and thus was marched to the church where the par- 
ties assembled. Mr. Bache was taken. Cols. Axtell and Matthews being at New 
York escaped capture. The parties marched with their prisoners unmolested to 
their boat and returned safe to New Brunswick. This event took place about mid- 
summer on a fair moonlight night. 

" Captain Marriner also paid Simon Cortelyou of New Utrecht a visit ; and 
took him to New Brunswick as a return for his uncivil conduct to the American 
prisoners. He took his tankard and several articles also which he neglected to 
return. After Captain Marriner's visit to Flatbush, four inhabitants of New 
Utrecht were taken separately, and separately imprisoned in the Provost, in New 
York, on suspicion of having been connected with Marriner in his enterprise, viz., 
Col. Van Brunt, his brother Adrian Van Brunt, Rem Vanpelt, and his brother Art 

As the war progressed, the boldness and adventurous spirit of 
the privateersmen increased, until towards the close, the entrances to 
New York were in a state of blockade, which even armed vessels did not 
always attempt to force singly. The Narrows and the Sound swarmed 
with whale-boats. The fishing industry on which the inhabitants of 
New York greatly depended for food, and which was a main source 
of supply to the beleaguered garrison, was almost wholly broken up. 
The fisheries had always been a matter of concern to the merchants, 
and annual bounties were paid to the vessels bringing in the largest 
quantities of deep-sea fish. 

The Shrewsbury banks* a favorite fishing ground, and the main source 


of supply to the New York market, was jealously watched. In the safe 
cover of the Shrewsbury river Hyler lay in wait to pounce upon the 
adventurous or unwary who cast a line or dragged a net within his 
assumed jurisdiction. Unlike the British admiral on the station, he 
granted no passes for illicit trade but took his toll in another fashion. 
On one occasion it is related of him, that he captured two fishing vessels 
which he ransomed at one hundred dollars each, and within the week 
recaptured one of the same boats, which had again ventured within his 
reach. Such was the frequency of these captures that the Tory mer- 
chants who revived the Chamber of Commerce during the war, made 
application to Admiral Arbuthnot for "the protection of the fishermen 
employed on the banks of Shrewsbury. " The Admiral purchased a 
vessel mounting twelve carriage guns and requested that the city would 
man her, but the seamen placed little faith in the promises from British 
naval officers, and hesitated to enter a service, the exit of which was as 
hopeless as from the Inferno of Dante. The "hot press" was the terror 
of American sailors before and after the war ; indeed, till Hull and 
Decatur and Preble laid an injunction upon it at the cannon's mouth. 

In 1782 similar application was made to Admiral Graves, who had 
succeeded Arbuthnot on the station, and the intervention of General 
Robertson, the military commandant of the city, was invoked "to encour- 
age the fishermen to take fish for a supply to this garrison, and that its 
commerce may not be annoyed by the privateersmen and whaleboats 
that infest the narrows." The newspapers of 1781 are full of Hyler's 
exploits, which sometimes reached higher game than fishing smacks. 
In June he and an associate, Captain Story, in two whaleboats boarded 
and took the schooner Skip Jack which mounted six carriage guns 
besides swivels, at high noon, and burned her in sight of the guard 
ship and the men of war on the station, and on the same cruise carried 
off three small trading vessels laden with contraband cattle on the way 
from the Jersey Tories to New York. 

Captain Adam Hyler was of New Brunswick. He died in the fall of 
1782 and was honorably mentioned in the New Jersey Gazette, "his 
many heroic and enterprising acts in annoying and distressing the 

The whaleboats used on their excursions were formidable enemies. 
They were upwards of thirty-five feet long, were rowed with eight oars, 
carried two heavy sails and were armed with a large swivel. They 
depended on neither wind nor tide for their progress in pursuit or 


After the war Captain Marriner resumed his avocation of tavern 
keeper, in the course of which he occupied several houses in the village 
of Harlem, which were in turn a favorite resort of the politicians and 
military men of the city. He was also largely patronized by the dis- 
ciples of Isaac Walton, who angled for bass or dropped their line for the 
tautog in the stirring waters of Hell Gate and its vicinity. The view 
here given is of a building that stood, until about 1866, at the foot of 
One Hundred and Twenty-fifth street, on the bank of Harlem River, and 
is drawn from the recollections of Mr. James Riker, the well-known his- 
torian. Marriner also figures in history as the caterer who provided the 
dinner for General Washington and his suite, on their visit to the ruins 
of Fort Washington in 1790. The Commander-in-Chief refers to the 
affair in his journal, under date of July 10 of that year. 



No handsomer compliment can be paid the Father of Waters upon his 
majestic size than to revive the circumstance that he was not and could not 
have been discovered all at once. While this distinction may seem, super- 
ficially, to be common to all streams of any appreciable length and density, 
it must be found, upon candid examination, to belong pre-eminently to the 

Who first made out and properly named this noble stream ? Manifestly 
the all but equally noble red man. That individual has hitherto failed to 
receive due credit in the matter of Western fluvial discovery. He has been 
set upon, driven back, reserved, preserved, and then driven on again, until 
he long since ceased to be where he was wont ; and, the unkindest cut of 
all is, that, in making his ruthless progress inland, the white man has as- 
sumed to himself the honor of having opened up the Continent single-hand- 
ed, counting the Indian simply a block in his path. This is rank injustice. 
Shall that great stock of information respecting the interior of America 
which the Indian tribes had been accumulating for generations, through all 
their wars, huntings, and migrations, and which they imparted, often so freely, 
to the early explorers and pioneers, go for nothing in the final rendering of 
our account with them ? How much could Marquette and Joliet and La Salle 
have accomplished during their sojourn in the Mississippi Valley but for the 
calumet and the wigwams along their course, which proved to be as sure a 
set of guide-books as one may find anywhere to-day ? The truth is that, 
whoever may have been the explorers of the Mississippi, much of the weary 
work they would have been obliged to do had already been done for them by 
the Indian. The course of the river, the fact that it was the main river, the 
direction and extent of the numerous tributaries, and other most necessary 
information, came into their hands continually as they pushed their canoes 
along its surface. They went forth and verified the red man's report. They 
found that he had long before appreciated its magnificent proportions, and 
had given it its true name. The names they gave it successively have hap- 
pily disappeared, and only that one remains. The red man dignified it, not 
as the " Father of Waters," but as the great or all water, Missi meaning 
whole, and sipi, river. A grand and significant name, too — the " All Water," 
describing in one word nature's irrigating system for that vast region, and 
telling of the Indians' full exploration, knowledge, and understanding of it ! 


In advance of De Soto and La Salle put the forgotten " Lo." Give him, 
at least, a place on the river-bank as the original sign-board. 

The present generation is reminded of the white man's earliest efforts to 
trace the Mississippi by the celebration to be held at New Orleans on April 
9th in honor of La Salle's voyage down, and the discovery of the mouths of 
the river, two hundred years since. The " teeming millions " of the Valley 
and, indirectly, the nation at large, are expected to join sympathetically with 
►the Crescent City in the joy of the day. No one can dispute the eminent pro- 
priety of observing such an anniversary, especially as for the West it is 
unique and of the highest interest. Much will be fittingly said by speakers 
on the occasion in memory of the pioneers of the Mississippi, and in antici- 
pation of the great empire that seems destined to rise along its course and 
tributaries, but as to the true history of the river itself — the ages it has been 
rolling to the sea, the changing people and races that have dwelt upon its 
banks, and the possible civilization that may once have flourished there — 
the mystery must remain as dense as ever. Could the mouths of the river 
themselves but speak ! 

Those first French explorers among the lakes and great rivers of our 
continent were no common men. La Salle was one of them. Champlain, 
Nicolet, Marquette, Hennepin, and Joliet had preceded or were contempo- 
rary with him, and had assisted in paving the way for his own final success. 
In reaching the mouths of the Mississippi on April 9, 1682, and establishing 
the fact, beyond peradventure, that it emptied into the Gulf of Mexico, he 
represented the progress made by others as well as himself. Leaving out 
the Spaniard who had seen the Mississippi in the previous century, the first 
Frenchmen to reach it from the north were the Jesuit missionary, Father 
Marquette, and Louis Joliet, who had come from France to seek an over- 
land route to the Pacific Ocean. They started forth from the country of 
the Ottawas on the 17th of May, 1673, providing themselves with two 
birch canoes, a supply of smoked meat, and Indian corn. They were ac- 
companied by five men. "They had obtained," says Parkman, " all possi- 
ble information from the Indians, and had made, by means of it, a species 
of map of their intended route." " Above all," writes Marquette, "I 
placed our voyage under the protection of the Holy Virgin Immaculate, 
promising that, if she granted us the favor of discovering the great river, I 
would give it the name of the Conception." 

The arms of these men were as stout as their faith, and, after paddling 
many a league through the lakes and rivers, they reached the Mississippi at 
last, by way of the Wisconsin, where the town of Prairie du Chien now 
stands. This was on the 17th of June. Then, gliding southward, and en- 


countering experiences of every sort, they descended as far as the Arkansas. 
Here, in the middle of July, they paused. "They had gone far enough," 
continues Parkman, "as they thought, to establish one important point — 
that the Mississippi discharged its waters, not into the Atlantic or Sea of 
Virginia, nor into the Gulf of California or Vermilion Sea, but into the 
Gulf of Mexico. They thought themselves nearer to its mouth than they 
actually were, the distance being still about seven hundred miles ; and they 
feared that if they went farther they might be killed by Indians or captured 
by Spaniards, whereby the results of their discovery would be lost. 
Therefore, they resolved to return to Canada and report what they had 

While honoring La Salle, it is to these voyagers — Marquette and Joliet 
— that the West must express its obligations in the first instance. Not only 
were they the first Frenchmen to sail down the Mississippi, but they were 
the first to give to the world approximately correct maps of the interior of 
the continent and its great system of waters. They both made maps which 
are of high value, giving the true course of the Mississippi, although the 
prolongation to its source and its mouth were conjectural or based on the 
descriptions of the Indians. Joliet, indeed, made several maps, one of 
which has been unearthed in Paris, and lately published by M. Gravier, of 
Rouen, and which proves to be of rare interest, Gravier claiming that it is 
probably the earliest one prepared by Joliet, and the first which gives 
us at once an outline of the great lakes and the course of the Mississippi. 
Its superscription reads: " Nouvelle Decouverte de Plusieurs Nations dans 
la Nouvelle France en L annee 1673 et 1674." 

La Salle — R£ne Robert Cavalier de la Salle — who was now to complete 
the grand discovery made by Marquette and Joliet, was a native of Rouen, 
in Normandy. Coming to Canada in 1666, he dreamed of opening up an 
easy line of communication with China and the South Sea via some one of the 
western rivers. His first expedition resulted in the discovery of the Ohio, 
it is alleged, in 1677. Returning to France, he made preparations for more 
extensive explorations, and appeared in Canada once more in the latter part 
of 1678, where, after overcoming many difficulties, he set out on his second 
western expedition, leaving the site of Chicago in January, 1682. Reaching 
the Illinois overland, he was again upon the rivers, and entered the Missis- 
sippi on the 6th of February. Then came the long, tedious paddling to the 
mouth, the object of this journey, and, on the 9th of April, his desire was 
fulfilled. Finding, three days before, that the river divided into three chan- 
nels, he followed the most westerly one himself; D'Autray, a fellow voy- 
ager, took the east, while Tonty sailed down the middle passage. They 



soon reached the salt sea— the Gulf— and the course of the lower Mississippi 
was established. If it neither led to China nor the South Sea, the discovery 
itself was of the most gratifying character. La Salle took possession of the 
territory in the name of Louis the Great, and the immense domain of Loui- 
siana was secured to France. 

A Section of Joutel's Map. 1713. 

In a third expedition, in 1684-85, La Salle explored the lands to the 
west of the river's mouth, and on this occasion was accompanied by a com- 
panion named Joutel, who published a brief account of it, with a map of 
North America as then known. The latter bears the late date of 1 7 1 3 , but 
is of interest as being one of the first publislicd after the expedition, and 
among the earliest to indicate, though in a rude way, the fact of a delta at 
the outlet of the Mississippi. It is reproduced in the present number of 


the magazine. Earlier unpublished maps, giving distinct outlines of the 
mouth and adjacent coast, are to be found in the archives of the French 

The Mississippi thus discovered, no doubt there should be rejoicing 
over the fact. It still rolls on " unvexed " to the Gulf, an occasional source 
of misery to the dwellers upon its banks, and a tax upon the ingenuity of 
engineers and the treasury of the Government. For this, however, there 
seems to be some slight compensation. The river is steadily increasing its 
length, and in the course of ages will enable the geographer to boast of its 
proportions with even greater pride than he does to-day. From a compari- 
son of surveys made since 1838 the average annual advance of the South 
Pass bar for the last hundred years has been calculated by the Government 
engineers to have been one hundred feet. The source appears to be im- 
movable. As to the expenditures which the mighty current has entailed 
upon the public, Congress has appropriated, since 1829 to the present year, 
$2,536,681 for the clearing of its mouths. The contract with Captain J. B. 
Eads for the construction of jetties involves $5,250,000, with $100,000 more 
per annum for repairs for twenty years. In addition, appropriations for the 
improvement of all other parts of the river above and below the Falls of St. 
Anthony, and for improvements below Cairo under the new Mississippi 
River Commission, amount to $13,565,000, a total public expenditure up to 
date of about $21,400,000. Congress has never appropriated money for 
the construction of levees, the river States having thus far attempted their 
construction as local necessities. 

Considering, in fine, the time consumed in its discovery and exploration, 
and its importance as a grand central commercial highway and a consequent 
bond of national union, we may continue to exult over our possession of the 
great stream. And, happily, it will always be the MISSISSIPPI, for it might 
have been the " Conception," as Marquette wished, or the c< Le Buade," as 
Joliet proposed in his first map, in honor of Frontenac, or the u Colbert," 
as subsequent maps have it, after the then French Minister of Marine. 
How utterly inappropriate would any name sound but the one we have ! 


I am not certain in what part of Germany Baron Steuben was born, 
though I think it was in Suabia. He was not a Prussian, for, " had I been 
born a subject," said he to me (speaking of the strong passions of his old 
master Frederick II.), " I should have been sent to Spandau for daring to 
demand a dismissal from his service." 

The Baron had been in the family and friendship of Prince Henry, the 
King's brother, of whom he never spoke but with the greatest tenderness 
and affection. In an unfortunate campaign of the Seven Years' War, the 
Prince incurred the displeasure of his inexorable brother. He was directed 
to retire from the field, his suite ordered to their different corps, or placed 
in situations which might make them feel the misfortune of being the friends 
of a man who had dared to displease, perhaps to disobey, the King. Steu- 
ben was sent into Silesia to recruit, equip, and discipline, within a certain 
period, a corps broken down by long and hard severity. The pecuniary 
allowance for this object was wholly inadequate, but in the Prussian service 
who dared to say what was or what was not possible to be performed ? 
The regiment was marched complete to headquarters within the time pre- 
scribed, and the Baron soon after received the appointment of aide-de-camp 
to the King, and was charged with the superintendence of the Quartermas- 
ter-General's department. It was undoubtedly an excellent part of the Prus- 
sian system that the different departments of the army had each a particular 
person near the monarch, intimate with all its concerns, to whom every 
officer of the corps could, on all occasions, address himself, and on whom, 
at any moment, and for every kind of information relative to the branch of 
service with which the aide-de-camp was connected, the King could call. 

In this respectable situation he remained four years. Why it was relin- 
quished I never knew — I never asked ; for though some anecdotes of the 
King's conduct to his officers, which would make an American volunteer 
look wild, were told me by him from time to time, there was a delicacy 
observed in speaking of that great man's faults which marked the feelings of 
profound respect with which he was remembered by the Baron. When the 
death of the King of Prussia was announced, I saw a tear roll down the 
Baron's cheek. Strong ties are broken when old soldiers weep ! An 
American officer, who had been a prisoner on Long Island, said to me that 
a German of rank had told him that there was a feeling of jealousy of the 


Baron's military fame. "Jealous of me !" said the Baron; "the fellow 
was a fool — i a motley fool' your Shakespeare would have called him." 

There can, however, be no doubt of the consideration in which the mili- 
tary talents of the Baron were held by the monarch. When General Lin- 
coln, then Secretary for the Department of War, was directed by Congress 
to apply to the different European Courts for a transcript of their military 
codes, M. de Hertsburg, Prime Minister of Prussia, answered that the in- 
structions in question had never been published, or even transcribed, except 
fop the use of the chiefs of the army, adding that he was surprised at the 
request, as it was understood that Baron Steuben was in the service of the 
United States, who knew everything relative to the Prussian code au fond. 
Whatever may have been the cause, the Baron retired from Prussia, and 
entered into the service of Prince Charles of Baden, who gave him the 
command of his troops ; and some time afterward he was appointed or 
elected Lieut.-General of one of the circles of the empire — a station rather 
honorary than lucrative. The troops of the Circle were militia, and the duty 
at that time was that of attending a periodical review. How changed for 
many years have been the situation and duties of that unfortunate people ! 
God help them ! they have drank deep of the cup of affliction ! 

The Baron's income from his military and ecclesiastical rank, for he was 
a chanoine, 1 amounted to the value of five hundred and eighty guineas per 
annum. By whom he was made a dignitary of the church I have forgotten, 
but it is certain that the King of Prussia bestowed church livings on his 
officers ; nor would he, I presume, have felt scruples of conscience in as- 
signing the whole revenues of the church militant to troops in whose tactics 
and weapons he had greater confidence than in the church spiritual, could 
the assignment have been effected without danger or disgrace. In a country, 
where a coachman or a chief cook could be hired for ten or fifteen dollars 
per annum and a suit of clothes, where many luxuries and all the neces- 
saries of life were cheap in proportion, twenty-four and twenty-five hundred 
dollars was a world of money. 

The Baron frequently passed the winters in Paris. There, in 1775, in 
the society of the Count de Vergennes and the Prince de Monte Barre, Min- 
ister for the War Department, he met Benjamin Franklin, Ambassador at 
the Court of Versailles. Mr. Franklin, venerable in his appearance, high 
in reputation, and full of enthusiasm in the cause of his country, spoke with 
energy and with all the art of a politician, of the goodness of the cause, of 
the noble spirit of the people, of their ample means and well-founded hopes, 
of the glory to him who should effectually assist in laying the foundation of 
a great Empire, and of the gratitude, honors, and rewards which awaited 


the man who should give instruction in the military art to the brave but 
undisciplined army of the United States ! The French Ministers supported 
the arguments, and joined in all the wishes of the Philosophic Negotiator. 
" It was undoubtedly the intentions of the King, their Master, they said, to 
declare him such, as soon as circumstances would admit, the protector of 
this virtuous people, who had bravely taken arms against a haughty, im- 
perious nation, whose ambition went not only to their subjugation, but to 
that of all Europe — that, though the moment had not yet arrived, in which 
the King could openly espouse the cause of the Americans, steps were 
about being taken to supply them with arms, and there could be no doubt 
of his favorable regard to him, who, by teaching the most effectual manner 
of using them, should tender essential service to those oppressed people, 
struggling for liberty and independence. The glory attendant on a success- 
ful achievement of this perilous adventure was painted in such glowing 
colors, and so often presented to view by those masters in the art of color- 
ing, that the Baron, without entering into any kind of stipulation with 
Messrs. Franklin and Dean, immediately returned to Germany, resigned his 
places and their emoluments, came back to France, and, in the autumn of 
1777, embarked for the United States on board a ship freighted ostensibly 
by private persons, but in fact by Louis XVI., with arms, clothing, and 
munitions of war, and commanded by Captain Landais, a brave and experi- 
enced officer, who had sailed round the world with Mons. de Bougainville, 
and w T ho, for the service performed to the nation, deserves a recompense, 
the benefits of which he yet might feel. Not long since I passed the veteran 
in the street, and saw, with pain, that adverse gales seemed still to buffet 

The Baron landed in December at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and 
immediately commenced his journey to York, in Pennsylvania, where Con- 
gress then sat. I saw him for the first time at a ball which the citizens of 
Lancaster gave him. He had been received in the most distinguished man- 
ner by Congress, and was then on his way to General Washington. His 
reputation had preceded him ; and those who yet remember his graceful 
entry and carriage in a ball-room, the splendor of his star and its accom- 
paniments, can easily conceive the proud feelings of his countrymen and of 
their fair wives and daughters. 

The troops assembled at Valley Forge were in want of everything, ill- 
armed, worse fed, and confined to their huts by sickness, the want of clothes 
and the severity of the winter. The Baron frequently afterward declared 
that no European army could have been kept together under such dreadful 
deprivations. What must have been his feelings to have seen, as he passed 


with General Washington through the cantonment, the wretched, naked 
figures (except a piece of dirty blanket) hidden by half-closed doors of bark 
or logs, wide distant from each other, and to hear at every turn a mournful 
cry of " No pay ! no provisions ! no clothes ! " His heart sickened at the 
scene, and well it might. God knows that the misery was great ! The 
spring opened ; partial supplies were received, and the Inspector-General 
commenced his labors. Certainly it was a bold attempt, without under- 
standing a word of their language, to bring men, born free and joined to- 
gether to preserve their freedom, into strict subjection ; to obey without a 
word, a look, the dictates of a master — that master once their equal, or 
perhaps below them in whatever might become a man. It was a bold at 
tempt, which nothing but virtue or high-raised hopes of glory could have 
supported. At the first parade, the troops, neither understanding the com- 
mand nor how to follow in a change to which they had not been accustomed, 
even with their instructor at their head, were getting fast into confusion. 
At this moment Captain, now Colonel Walker, then of the Fourth New 
York Regiment, advanced from his platoon, and offered his assistance to 
translate the Baron's orders, and interpret them to the troops. " If," said 
the good Baron many years after, " If I had seen an angel from heaven I 
should not have been more rejoiced." Perhaps there was not at that mo- 
ment another officer in the army, except Hamilton, who spoke French and 
English to be understood ! Walker became his aide-de-camp and friend 
through life. They well deserved the friendship of each other. From the 
moment that instruction began, no time, no pains, no fatigue was thought 
too great in pursuit of the object. During the whole of every campaign, 
when the troops were to manoeuvre — and this was almost every fair day — 
while his servant dressed his hair, he smoked and drank one cup of strong 
coffee ; was on horseback at sunrise, and, with or without his suite, galloped 
to the parade. There was no waiting for a tardy aide-de-camp, and those 
who followed wished they had not slept. Nor was there need of chiding. 
The Baron's look, when duty was neglected, was enough ! It was a ques- 
tion why our troops had not been put to the performances of the- great 
manoeuvre. I beg pardon for calling it great, but it was great to us. We 
had it not by intuition, nor was the country then filled with books compiled 
by Oriental and by Western sages, and filled with all kinds of knowledge for 
all kinds of troops. How changed the times. To the question it was an- 
swered, " That in fact there was no time to learn the minutia. The troops 
must be prepared for instant combat ; that, on a field of battle, how to dis- 
play or fold a column, or how to charge a front, was of more consequence 
than how to stand, turn, or handle a musket. The business is to give our 


troops a relish for their trade, to make them feel a confidence in their own 
skill. Besides, your officers, following the miserable British sergeant system, 
would think themselves degraded by an attention to the drill. But the time 
shall come when there will be a better mode of thinking. Then men will 
attend to the turning out the toes." This prophecy, I remember, was liter- 
ally fulfilled a year or two afterward. " Do you see that, sir," said the 
Baron, " there is your colonel instructing that awkward recruit. I thank 
God for that!" 

Sir Henry Clinton marched from Philadelphia. Our troops quitted Val- 
ley Forge and fought the British at Monmouth. Colonel Hamilton said to 
me that he had never known nor conceived the value of discipline until that 
day. The Baron had no command in the line, for although Congress had, 
in addition to his appointment of Inspector-General, given him the rank of 
Major-General, the benefits expected to be received from his knowledge and 
exertions were of too much value to be confined to a single division of the 
army, besides which there was such an influx of Frenchmen from the Con- 
tinent and from the islands, all demanding high rank and superior com- 
mands, that the American officers began to be disgusted, and to murmur 
loudly at being commanded by foreigners. The Baron had received what 
had been given, without asking, and he wisely left it to time and future ser- 
vice to place him in his proper station. His assistance in forming the troops 
and in reconnoitring the enemy on that day, in which service he narrowly 
escaped being taken, were acknowledged. His report to General Washing- 
ton of the real situation of the British and of the column under the command 
of General Lee induced that gentleman to say something in his own de- 
fence, for which the Baron thought it proper to ask an immediate explan- 
ation. It was given in a manner perfectly satisfactory. The truth was, 
General Lee had an exalted opinion of the British discipline and valor, and 
had very little confidence in our troops. He was unfortunate, and probably 
in fault ; and probably he looked on the friends of the Commander-in-Chief, 
whom he, it was believed, had intrigued to supplant, as his enemies, and as 
anxious to take advantage of his misfortune. General Washington, in con- 
firming the sentence of the court, acted probably with as much propriety of 
mind as falls to the lot of nature ; but the decision, it has been thought, 
ought to have been other than it was. If Lee had misbehaved before the 
enemy, he deserved a punishment much more severe. If his troops broke, 
and would not fight, he ought not to have been suspended. 

As soon as the troops became for a time stationary, the Inspector-Gen- 
eral commenced a system of police which pervaded every branch of the 
service, and by which thousands were saved every campaign after it was in 


operation. Two honorable and worthy men, Judge Peters and Colonel Pick- 
ering, both of them at that time members of the Board of War, well knew 
to what a various extent the spoil and waste of tents, arms, ammunition, 
and accoutrements was carried, and they have not forgotten the service ren- 
dered by the Baron to our then poor country. " Sir," said one of those 
respectable patriots, not three months since (it was Judge Peters), " Sir, his 
services cannot be estimated at their value. I knew him well, and take him 
altogether, a better man did not exist." The organization of the Depart- 
ment of Inspection produced a new state of things, the benefit of which was 
felt by all. To whom, to how few can I appeal! The masters and the 
laborers in that grand work of Independence have passed away, and with 
them how great a portion of the virtue and the talent of our country ! To 
what a strictness were we held when every article received must be brought 
forth and laid in view, and not a brush or a picker missing with impunity ! 
In truth, long before the conclusion of the war, our army had arrived to the 
then highest point of military knowledge. Ambitious to excel, I have 
known the subalterns of a regiment sell one-half of their rations to the con- 
tractor, that they might add to the comfort and appearance of their men. 
The adroitness, and, above all, the silence, with which manoeuvres were per- 
formed was remarked with astonishment by the officers of the French army. 
The Marquis la Valde Montmorency, a brigadier-general, said to the Baron, 
" I admire the celerity and exactitude with which your men perform, but 
what I cannot conceive is the profound silence in which they manoeuvre ! " 
" I don't know, Monsieur le Marquis, from whence the noise should come," 
answered the Baron, " when even my brigadiers dare not open the mouth, 
but to repeat the order." " Ah ! hah! Monsieur le Baron," vociferated the 
Marquis; li Je vous comprend ! je vous comprend ! " The French troops 
were exceedingly noisy in their evolutions and marches, and then Monsieur 
la Val was heard louder than the rest. On a subsequent occasion (to show 
the high degree of expertness to which our army had arrived), when a vio- 
lent storm had occasioned a grand exhibition to be postponed, the Baron 
was asked by one of the allied generals, who, with others, had retired to his 
marquee, what manoeuvres he had intended to perform. When told, with 
a studied nonchalance, as if this was the first moment he had thought of the 
matter, " Yes," said the general, " I have seen the last you mention by the 
Prussians in Silesia, but with the addition of some difficulty," which he ex- 
plained. " Yes, sir," answered the Baron, " it is true. You do not expect 
that we are quite equal to the King of Prussia. No, General, that is expect- 
ing too much." " Cest vrai ! cest vrai, mats avec le temps ! " " Cest vrai, 
avec le temps" said the Baron, after his guests had retired, "avec le 


temps / I will let these French gentlemen know that we can do what the 
Prussians can, and what their army cannot do. Get the order for the re- 
view," said he to one of his aides-de-camp. " Sit down and add to it as I 
dictate. I will save those who have not been in Silesia the trouble of going 
there for instruction ; Ver Planck's point is much nearer. Avec le temps ! 
The time is. next week." They came — chiefs and subalterns, on horseback 
and on foot — for the encampment was but a few miles distant. Everything 
was done in the finest style, to their real or pretended admiration. Alas ! 
when I think of times past of that day, and look to that eminence on which 
General Washington's marquee was placed, in front of which stood that 
great man, firm in the consciousness of virtue, surrounded by French nobles 
and the chiefs of his own army, when I cast my eyes, now dim, then lighted 
up with soldierly ambition, hope, and joy along that lengthened line, my 
brothers all ! endeared by ties made strong by full communion in many a 
joyous hour, in many an hour of penury and want, my heart sinks at the 
view. Who, how few, of all that brilliant host is left ! those few now tot- 
tering on the confines of the grave. 

General Gates had been defeated ; his army dispersed ; and the South- 
ern States were in great danger of being conquered. General Green, in 
whom the Commander-in-Chief placed the fullest confidence, was ordered, 
in 1780, to the southward. Baron Steuben accompanied him. General 
Green saw clearly that Virginia was only to be defended in the Carolinas — 
that if the British force in those States could not be broken down, there was 
little to hope — the whole, perhaps to the Potomac, must fall. The opinions 
of the two Generals coincided, and there was ample time, during the journey 
to Richmond, to mature the plans and system to be pursued. The Baron 
was left in Virginia to collect whatever of men and means might be gathered 
to form the troops, and at all risk of clamor or dissatisfaction of the Virgini- 
ans to disfurnish their State for the moment, in the hope of securing its 
permanent safety. The success of our arms was an object very dear to the 
Baron's heart. He had a personal friendship, and the highest respect for 
his general, and certainly he exerted himself to the utmost to fulfill his en- 
gagements with him, though he soon felt that he did his duty at the expense 
of his popularity. Nor is it to be wondered at that, feeling the dangerous 
situation of their State, the Virginians could not with satisfaction see its 
resources daily lessening. Nor did the Baron's zeal permit him on every 
occasion to act with the mildness and caution proper to be observed by 
military commanders in the service of a Republic, the laws of which protect 
even an unworthy foreigner from punishment, except inflicted by their own 
tribunals. Men sufficient to form a regiment had, with great exertion, been 


collected ; the corps was paraded, and on the point of marching to Carolina, 
a good-looking man on horseback, with his servant, as he appeared, also well 
mounted, rode up, and, introducing himself to the Baron, informed him he 
had brought a recruit. '■' I thank you, Sir," said the Baron, " with all my 
heart, he has arrived in a happy moment ; where is he, Colonel ? " for the 
man was a Colonel in the militia. ' ' Here, Sir," ordering his boy to dismount. 
The Baron's countenance altered, a sergeant was ordered to measure the 
lad, whose shoes, when off, discovered something by which his height had 
been increased. The Baron patted the child's head with a hand trembling 
with rage, and asked him how old he was ; he was very young, quite a 
child. " Sir," said the Baron, turning to him who brought him, " you think 
me a rascal ! " "Oh ! no Baron, I don't." " Then, Sir, I think that you 
are one — an infamous scoundrel, thus to attempt to cheat your country ! 
take off this fellow's SPURS ; place him in the ranks, and tell General Green 
from me, Colonel Gaskins, that I have sent him a man able to serve, instead 
of an infant whom he would have basely made his substitute. Go, my boy, 
carry the Colonel's horses and spurs to his wife ; make my respects to her, 
and tell her that her husband has gone to fight, as an honest citizen should, 
for the liberty of his country. By platoons ! to the right wheel ! forward ! 
march ! " Colonel Gaskins, fearing the consequences, let the man escape 
on the arrival of the regiment at Roanoke River. Nor was he tardy in ap- 
plying to Governor Jefferson for redress. The purity of the Baron's motives 
could not be suspected ; and his honest zeal was appreciated too highly by 
the Governor and Council not to prevent any unpleasant results attending 
this high-handed exertion of military power. When Arnold landed in Virgi- 
nia and marched to Richmond, there were only a few militia and a troop of 
unarmed cavalry, mutinous for want of pay and clothing, to oppose him. 
An attempt was made at a pass near Richmond, which proved abortive. 
After destroying all kinds of property, public and private, within his reach, 
he retreated. Philips arrived with a reinforcement, took the command, and 
marched toward the capital. There was a show of resistance, a skirmish at 
Petersburg, but it amounted to nothing — the civil authorities had retired to 
Charlottesville near the head of James River. The Baron, with his miserable 
force, retreated to the point or fork where the State artillery, magazines, 
etc., had been carried up to a place supposed to be out of danger of an at- 
tack. Simcoe, however — such was the difficulty of gaining intelligence of 
the enemy's movements— within a few hours of the notice of his approach 
being given, appeared with his cavalry on the spot, from which the last of 
the stores were removing to the other side of the river, and an aide-de- 
camp of the Baron, fell into the hands of the enemy. The British had passed 


down to the vicinity of Williamsburg. The Marquis de la Fayette arrived 
with troops from the northward, and the Baron, severely attacked by the 
fever of the country, and sick with vexation, retired to Albemarle County, 
where he remained, fortunately in the society of two or three respectable 
neighboring gentlemen, until he was informed by General Washington of his 
near approach to Virginia. At the siege of Yorktown the General gave him 
the command of a division of the army. It was during the Baron's tour of 
duty in the trenches that the negotiations respecting the capitulation com- 
menced. At the relieving hour the next morning, the Marquis de la Fay- 
ette approached with his division. The Baron refused to be relieved, alleg- 
ing as a reason the etiquette in Europe — that as he had, during his guard, 
received the first overtures it was a point of honor to remain on his post till 
the capitulation was signed or broken. The Marquis applied to the Com- 
mander-in-Chief, but the Baron with his troops remained in the trenches until 
the English flag was struck. The capture of Lord Cornwallis and his army 
closed the campaign. The Baron returned to the northward, and remained 
with the army, continually employed in inspecting their discipline till the 
peace. He resided for some years in the city of New York, and died on 
the 28th of November, 1795, at Steuben, in Oneida County, New York 

These are but hasty and very incomplete sketches of the Baron's mili- 
tary course from 1778 to 1783. He undoubtedly did us great service in the 
field, adding largely thereto by preparing regulations. But it is upward of 
thirty years since the war, and I have little accurate recollection of more 
than the elegant manners, the playful wit, and the kindness of heart which 
this excellent man possessed. General Washington was fully sensible of 
his deserving, and urged Congress, on all proper occasions, in his behalf. 
In truth, considering our poverty, he was treated, as to money, with a 
commendable degree of liberality, and received from time to time of good 
and bad amounts which some narrow men in Congress thought much too 
large. Elbridge Gerry (and I state it with pleasure) was always liberal. 
But what sum would have been too great for the Baron, who searched for 
worthy objects whose wants might be relieved ? Never did reviews pass 
without rewards to soldiers whose arms and accoutrements were most con- 
spicuous for the attention paid to them. Never was his table unfurnished 
with guests, if furnished with provisions. Officers of the higher grades, 
men most prominent for their knowledge and attention to duty, were prin- 
cipally his guests ; but the gentlemen of his family were desired to com- 
plete the list with others of inferior rank. " Poor fellows ! " said he, " they 
x ^3.vq field-officers' stomachs without their pay or rations." At Yorktown 


or Williamsburg he sold such part of his camp equipage brought from 
Europe as was of value. "We are, God knows, miserably poor! We are 
constantly feasted by the French without giving them even a bit of wurst 
[i.e., sausage]. I can stand it no longer. I will give one grand dinner to 
our allies, should I eat my soup with a wooden spoon forever after/' The 
Baron had a full share of honorable pride. He could not bear to receive 
and not return. In thought and deed he was most liberal and most kind. 
On the eve of returning to the northward, " I must go," said he, "toa 
sick aide-de-camp. I must leave you, my son ; but I leave you in a coun- 
try where we have found the door of every gentleman's house wide open, 
where every female heart is full of tenderness and virtue. The instant you 
are able, quit this deleterious situation. There is my sulkey, and here is 
half of what I have. God bless you ! I can say no more." Nor could he. 
The feelings of friends at such a moment may possibly be conceived, but 
not expressed. A journey of three hundred miles was before him ; his 
wealth was a single piece of gold. Are other instances necessary to prove 
the texture of his heart ? How many are there written on my own ! 
There is, I trust, a book in which every one of his good deeds are entered 
to the credit of his account with Heaven. 

At the disbandment of the Revolutionary Army, when inmates of the 
same tent or hut for seven long years were separating, never, perhaps, to 
see each other's face again, grasping each other's hand in silent agony, cut 
adrift without a hope, I saw his strong endeavors, if it were possible, to 
throw some rays of sunshine on the gloom — to mix some cordial with the 
bitter draught they drank — to go they knew not whither. All recollection 
of the art to thrive by civil occupation lost, or, to the youthful, never 
known ; their hard-earned military knowledge worse than useless — a mark 
at which, with their badge of brotherhood, to point the finger of suspfcion 
— ignoble, vile suspicion ; no more to pay obedience to command, to quaff 
the cup of joy, or lessen every grief by sharing with a host of friends ; to 
be cast out upon a world long since forgotten, each one to grope his solitary, 
silent path ; his sword and military garb the only relics saved, or else over- 
whelmed and lost forever. It was too bad ! On that sad day what soldier's 
heart was left unwrung ! I saw it all and its effects. 

To a stern old officer — a Lieutenant-Colonel Cochran, on whose fur- 
rowed visage a tear until that day had never fallen — the Baron said all that 
could be said to soften deep distress. " For myself," said Cochran, im I 
care not, I can stand it ; but my wife and daughters are in that wretched 
tavern. I know not whence to carry them ; nor have I means for their re- 
moval." " Come my friend," said the Baron, " let us go. I wish to pay 


my respects to Mrs. Cochran and your daughters, if you please ; " and 
when he came away, he left hope with them, and all he had to give. 

A black man, with wounds not yet healed, wept on the wharf; for it 
was at New Burg where these sad scenes were passing. There was a ves- 
sel in the stream bound to the place where this poor soldier once had 
friends, he could not pay his passage. Where found or borrowed, I know 
not ; but the Baron soon returned. The man hailed the sloop, and cried, 
11 God bless you Massa Baron ; God Almighty bless you ! " But why do I 
relate these scraps of his benevolence, when all who knew him and were 
worthy, knew him as their friend ? What good or honorable man, civil or 
military, before the party times which sundered friendships, did not respect 
and love the Baron ? Who most ? Those who knew him best. 

In the society of ladies, the Baron appeared to be very happy — en- 
gaged in their amusements, and added by his wit and pleasantry to the 
delights of the evening. His sternness and stentorian voice were only 
heard in the field. " Oh ! " said an old man, who had been a captain in 
the war, and then kept a public house near Utica. " Oh ! Baron, how 
glad I am to see you in my house, but I used to be dreadfully afraid of 
you ! " " How so, Captain ? " " You halloed, and swore, and looked so 
dreadfully at me once, when my platoon was out of its place, that I almost 
melted into water ! " " Oh fye, done, fye, Captain." " It was bad, to be 
sure," said the old man, " but you did halloa tremendously ! " It is true 
he was rough, as the ocean in a storm, when great faults in discipline were 
committed ; but if, in the whirlwind of his passion, he had injured any 
one, the redress was ample. I recollect at a review at Morristown, a 
Lieutenant Gibbons, a brave and good officer, was arrested on the spot, 
and ordered in the rear, for a fault which it appeared another had com- 
mitted. At a proper moment, the commander of the regiment came 
forward, and informed the Baron of Mr. Gibbons' innocence and worth, and 
of his acute feelings under his unmerited disgrace. " Desire Lieutenant 
Gibbons," said the Baron, "to come in front of the troops." " Sir," said he 
to him, "the fault which was committed by throwing the line into con- 
fusion might, in the presence of an enemy, have been fatal, and I arrested 
you. Your Colonel has informed me, that you are in this instance blame- 
less, I ask your pardon ! Return to your command, I would not do in- 
justice to any, much less to one whose character is so respectable." All 
this was said, with his hat off, and the rain pouring on his reverend head. 
Was there an officer who saw this, unmoved with feelings of respect and 
affection — not one. who had the feelings of a soldier. I have spoken 
somewhere of the difficulty the Baron found in forming his book of regula- 


tions for the discipline of the army. It was indeed great. There were no 
books then from which a compilation could be made. Even at the close 
of the war, Rivington's shop afforded nothing better than " Bland's Exercise " 
and " Sumner's Military Guide." All was drawn from his recollections of the 
Prussian school — these to be arranged in French, translated into English 
by men not conversant with military phrase or evolutions — to sketch and 
re-sketch the plates and fit them for the engraver. The engraver ! where to 
be found ! and paper scarcely to be procured. None but those who lived 
in those days of poverty and dearth of everything can think a thou- 
sandth part of all the difficulties which were then encountered in every 

By the exertions of Colonel Hamilton, patronized by President Wash- 
ington, and supported by some liberal and powerful men in Congress, an 
annuity of $2,500 per annum for life was given to the Baron. He retired 
to Steuben, a tract of 16,000 acres, received under the administration and 
in unison with the wish of Governor George Clinton, from the Legislature 
of New York, where, in a convenient log-house, he passed the last mo- 
ments of his life. He had parcelled out his land on very easy terms among 
twenty or thirty tenants, who afforded opportunity for the exercise of his 
philanthropy. Some hundreds of acres were given to his aides-de-camp 
and servants. Sixty acres of cleared land gave him wheat and ample nour- 
ishment for his stock. Except the society of a young gentleman, whose 
literary exhibition, when a boy, had attracted his notice and regard, who 
read to and with him, and now and then a stranger passing through, or a 
friend who went into the wilderness to see him, his time was passed in 
solitude. His farm and garden afforded some little amusement, and he 
was fond of chess. But it was chiefly from his library, which was well 
stored, that he drew support against the tedium of a situation so very dif- 
ferent from that in which the greatest part of his life had been passed. 
This state of inaction was undoubtedly unfriendly to health, though there 
was no appearance of failure either in mind or body. They remained in 
full strength until the moment he was struck with an apoplexy, which, in a 
few hours, was fatal. Agreeably to his desire, often expressed, his remains 
were wrapped in his cloak, enclosed , in a plain coffin, and placed in the 
earth without a stone to tell where it lies. A few tenants and servants, the 
young gentleman his late companion, and one on whom for fifteen years 
his eye had never ceased to beam with kindness, followed in silence and in 
tears. The commissioners of the town laid a road, a public road; near to 
his grave ! They either knew not, or they could not feel. Walker, his first 
and most worthy aide-de-camp, snatched the remains of his dear friend 


and master from their sacrilegious grasp ; hid them in the forest, and gave 
a bounty to protect the hallowed wood from rude intrusion. 

I feel all the imperfection of the manner in which these notices arc given. 
I have said nothing to what might, what ought to be said of this most 
worthy man. I may, on some future occasion, add. At present I cannot 
make it better. 2 W. N. 

Note. — The original MS. of the foregoing graphic sketch of Baron Steuben I recently found 
among my father's papers. It was written in 1814, for the Herkimer American at the request of 
the latter — then editor of that paper — by General William North of the Revolution, a beloved 
aide-de-camp of Steuben, and his assistant in carrying out his system of discipline in the army. 
Whether or not it was ever published, I do not know, as the files of that paper for 18 14, and a few 
subsequent years are not in existence. North, who was Adjutant and Inspector General of the 
Army of the U. S. A., during the years 1798-99, and also United States Senator, seems to have 
been a quaint character, as the following letter to my father, who was a great favorite of the old 
General, shows. It is addressed, "To William. No Treasure; nothing but advice." 

II Wherever I die, it is my desire to be buried in the nearest burying-ground. I want no monu- 
ment ; no epitaph — ' lies like an epitaph ' — If anything, a plain stone with ' William North, 3. 
soldier of the Revolution.' I bar you and your sisters going into mourning. If I am to be 
mourned, let it be by the heart, not black garments and foolish weepers streaming from the hat — 
the absurd custom ! W. NORTH. 

"November 15, 1827. Not a gloomy, but a day of bright sunshine, and my mind serene, for 
which I thank God. W. N." 


1 The reference to a canonry is explained by the following extract from one of Steuben's memo- 
randa : 

"Sans etre riche dans ma patrie ma situation etait aisi'et agreeable, les emolumens que je rece- 
vais du Prince de Baden comme son Lieut. -General et ceux du Prince de Hohenzollern, comme son 
Marchal de Cour joint a un benefice de La Cathedrale de Havelberg que Le Roi de Prusse m'avoit 
donne et une petite terre que J'ai entres les Etats de Wurtemberg et de Baden, cela ensemble me 
fournisait une revenue suffisante non seulement pour vivre avec aisence chez moi mais pour faire 
tout les ans un voyage pour mon plaisir." Steuben's MSS. in Archives of the New York Historical 
Society, vol. xiii. 

The above may be translated as follows : 

" Without being rich, my situation in my country was easy and agreeable, the emoluments that I 
received from the Prince of Baden as his Lieutenant-General, and those of Prince Hohenzollern as his 
Court Marshall, added to that of a Benefice of the Cathedral of Havelberg, which the King of Prussia 
gave me, and a small estate that I had between the States of Wurtemberg, and Baden, that together 
furnished a sufficient revenue not only to live with ease at home, but to take every year a journey for 

2 It is probable that the young aide-de-camp left by Steuben sick in Virginia, and the one who 
followed him to his grave, "in silence and in tears," was none other than General North himself. 

In " Kapp's Life of Steuben" there is a reference to a pamphlet by North, evidently similar in 
its character to this sketch. The pamphlet, however, must be very rare. We have never found a 


I.— Sir Henry Clinton's Manuscripts. 

Although the papers of General Clinton, so long Commander-in-Chief 
of the British forces in America, appear to have passed, at their recent sale 
in London, into the hands of English collectors, the hope may be indulged 
that they will ultimately find their way to this country. A reference to 
them in the London Athenceum, and the more satisfactory description given 
by a correspondent of the New York World, indicate their value, and en- 
hance the regret that they are only the remnants of the manuscripts which 
once belonged to Sir Henry — the remainder having been scattered during 
his own lifetime, and, to some extent, by his descendants since. 

According to the journals mentioned, these papers include (to make 
three groups of them) : 

1. Correspondence mid Publications. — Washington's official letters to 
Clinton at various times during the war, many of the margins of which are 
filled with memoranda in the hand-writing of the British Commander. Two 
volumes containing copies of Andre's letters to Clinton and Washington ; a 
" Plan of Defence for Ireland in the event of a French invasion" (MSS. 
notes in the margin by Sir Henry Clinton), and manuscript poetry, etc., 
supposed to be partially in the hand of Major Andre. In one of these vol- 
umes occurs a long letter of Sir Henry Clinton, filling five folio pages and 
addressed to Lord George Germain, and dated New York, July, 1778. In 
this letter an account of the retreat from Philadelphia, the battle of Mon- 
mouth, and embarkation of the army for New York are given under Clin- 
ton's signature. Four copies of Clinton's " Narrative," bound up with Corn- 
wallis' "Answer," and Clinton's "Observations on the Answer" (all 
published in 1783), copiously annotated by Sir Henry ; also Burgoyne's 
" State of the Expedition from Canada," Ramsey's lC American Revolution," 
and " Memoirs of Colonel Charles Lee," nearly all annotated. Sets of 
Pennsylvania newspapers, 1769-1781, large paper copy of Smith's "New 
York," 1757, etc. 

2. Two manuscript volumes, entitled "Private Intelligence" and "In- 
formation of Deserters and Others not Included in Private Intelligence." 
The first begins January 20, 1781, and consists of one hundred and fifty 
pages of closely-written matter, on small folio paper ; the second is a 
volume of the same size, of about one hundred pages. A pencil note, 


written by one of the Clinton family, says of these manuscripts: "I think 
Sir G. Beckwith's hand." " Whether this be the case or not," writes the 
World correspondent, who examined them at the sale, " the writing bears 
indisputable evidence of having been written from day to day, as informa- 
tion came into headquarters through the agency of spies, deserters, or 
friends of the British, whose names in some instances are attached to the 
entries. Taking one or two of these days at random, occur the following in 
the volume marked ** Private Intelligence," January 20, 1781. Page 1 : 
" Gould came in this morning at 10 o'clock from Elizabeth town. On Sun- 
day morning the Jersey Brigade, part of which lay at Pomptom, mutinied 
and seized two field pieces and joined the rest of the brigade at Chatham. 
He saw some of them, whose complaints were about pay, &c. They told 
him they were determined unless they got redress to join the British. One 
Grant, a serjeant-major and a deserter from the British army, commands 
them. They say'd they would come to Elizabeth town. The militia are 
turned out to oppose them, and this morning he heard a very heavy firing 
and some cannon, and afterwards passing shots towards Elizabeth town by 
Springfield. A violent storm prevented his coming in before. 

" Woodruff says the same. A cousin of his, one Nicholls, is second 

in command." 

20th. "The mutineers are at Trenton. Three regiments are discharged 
and gone home to Pennsylvania. One condition insisted on is, that only 
three officers retain their rank and command — General Wayne, Colonels 
Stewart and Butler. The committee of Congress consists of Sullivan, Mat- 
hews, Witherspoon and Attey. They sit at Barclay's tavern on the Penn- 
sylvania side of the Delaware. The two men delivered to Wayne by the 
mutineers were hanged on Friday morning. Washington is at N. Windsor. 
The militia are collected throughout the Jerseys." 

Page 3. " Mr. Washington has about 500 nien with him. Headquarters 
at N. Windsor. The Hampshire Brigade are in West Point. The New 
York Brigade stationed in Albany. All the six months' men are going 
home, except a few who are employed in threshing out wheat about Goshen. 
Forage is exceedidgly scarce indeed. They have no magazines ; they live 
from day to day. All their expectations from France have turned out 
nothing. He (Captain G. of one of the Massachusetts regiments) heard the 
French are going to quit the continent. A Mr. R. Morris told this to a 
gentleman of his acquaintance. The mildness of the season has prevented 
the expedition to Canada, which is given up. By the best accounts Ethan 
Allen has not yet joined tho' much discontented. 

" The Pennsylvania officers say they will not serve with such rascals as 


their soldiers. The revolters have agreed to receive the arrears of pay with 
the depreciation, and their arrears of cloathing, which has been promised 

" Congress leave out all the officers, who are prisoners, in the new regi- 
ments. Mr. Adams has orders not to exchange any militia for British 

3. Maps. A " Collection of twenty plans and maps illustrating the Pro- 
vince of New Jersey" (in illustration of Clinton's campaign in New Jersey), 
dated 1778-82. Nearly all these drawings are executed by J. Hills, the 
well known assistant engineer officer serving under Clinton, one of them 
being dedicated to him. Plan of Perth Amboy, Bonham Town, Brunswick, 
Raritan Landing, Haddonfield, roads from Pennyhill to the Black Horse, 
roads from Black Horse to Crosswick, Allen Town, roads from Freehold to 
Middletown, showing the skirmish between the rear of the British army, 
under Clinton and the advanced corps of the American army, June 28, 1778. 
Middle Town, a survey of part of the province of New Jersey, survey of 
Somerset County, of Middle County, of Monmouth County, northern part 
of New Jersey, chart of Delaware Bay and River to Philadelphia, being 
part of the provinces of New Jersey and Pennsylvania ; road from Paulus 
Hook [Jersey City] and Hoboken to New Bridge, Paulus Hook, with road 
to Bergen and parts adjacent, and plan of Paulus Hook with the works 
raised for its defence, 1781-82. 

It is clear enough there will be something new to say about the war of 
the Revolution when this material, and much more like it, becomes avail- 
able. The whole of it should be obtained and deposited in our public col- 

II. — Miss Jane McCrea. 

In the grounds of the Union Cemetery, on the road leading from Sandy 
Hill to Fort Edward, N. Y., is the grave of Miss McCrea. Her remains lie 
on the left-hand side of the entrance path near the gate, beneath a stone 
bearing the inscription : 

li Here Rest the Remains 


Jane McCrea 

aged 17 

Made Captive and Murdered 

By a Band of Indians 

While on a Visit to a Relative in 

This Neighborhood 

A.D. 1777. 


To Commemorate 

One of the Most Thrilling Incidents 

In the Annals of the American Revolution 

To do Justice to the fame of the Gallant 

British Officer to whom she was affianced, 

And as a Simple tribute to the 

Memory of the Departed, 

This stone is Erected 

By her Niece 

Sarah Hanna Payn 

A.D. 1852" 

The edges of the stone, which is a plain white marble one, are chipped 
and defaced by the relic seekers. 

The inscription, it will be observed, gives her age as 17 years, but 
Drake's American Biography says that she was born at Leamington, N. J., 
in 1754, which would have made her twenty-three years old at the time of 
her death. 

The scene of her murder is on the west side of the road near the north- 
ern part of the village of Fort Edward. Going through the gate of a pri- 
vate house, and crossing a fence to the left, I found myself on a declivity, 
partially covered with trees, overlooking the railroad track. Here, among 
thick bushes, is a spring, covered over with a wooden covering in two 
places. Within a few feet is the remnant of the stump of the famous pine- 
tree. At the foot of this tree, by the spring, the remains of Miss McCrea, 
it is said, were found. There are three accounts of 'the affair which should 
be compared, viz., " Sparks' Arnold," pp. 100-107 ', "Irving's Washington." 
vol. iii., p. 162 ; and "Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution," vol. i., p. 97. 

A writer, signing himself " A. S.," in the New York Mirror for Au- 
gust 15, 1835, throws doubts on the question as to the exact locality. He 
says : " Miss McCrea was found near a spring on the east side of the pres- 
ent road. She had been dragged from near the block-house adjacent to 
which the road then ran ; for the blood was on the sand next morning. 
The informant of Mr. Gilliman, who gave a particular account of this affair 
some years ago, must have been mistaken ; the spring on the west side of 
the road, near a tall stump of a tree, is not the spot where she was found. 
On the twenty-eighth her body and that of Lieut. Van Vechten were carried 
down to Moses Kill and buried. Mrs. Campbell's negro woman, who had 
escaped the Indians by hiding in the cellar, says she went in the boat with 
the corpse of Jenny down to the American army. In 1822, the remains of 
Miss McCrea were removed to the graveyard at Fort Edward." 



III.— " William Graham." 

Shortly prior to the appearance of the " Note" (vi., 218) here referred 
to, the present writer, in conversation with Henry Hill, Esq., a venerable 
former Boston merchant, but whose first clerkship was in this city, received 
from him some account of Graham's remarkable career and its tragic termi- 
nation. In a late letter, also, he has suggested that a correct record of this 
his early friend and school-mate " might be of service to young men simi- 
larly exposed," sending us with it a brief biographical sketch from his own 
skilful pen, printed on a broad sheet, and headed : " William Grenville Gra- 
ham. By an Octogenarian." It is an interesting narrative, and gives sev- 
eral beautiful extracts from Graham's letters to himself when the former was 
in England. We here learn that he was born in Catskill, N. Y., early in 
1793, "was a noble, beautiful boy, naturally graceful, affectionate, gener- 
ous, talented, but impulsive, venturesome, daring." Of their boyhood-life 
together out of school, we quote an incident illustrative : " On a sailing ex- 
cursion once, on a raw and gusty day," says the narrator, " we got into an 
ill-constructed craft, which was soon partially capsized, and, being heavily 
ballasted, sunk like lead. Graham, in his Spring suit, swam for the oppo- 
site shore, and as Judge Cantine, a very tall man, rushed into the water and 
was about to reach him, he cried out : ' Never mind me ; go for Harry ! ' " 
His father, Joseph Graham, failing in business in Catskill, removed to New 
York, where he kept a popular boarding-house at 88 Pearl Street, became a 
religious man and a member of the old Cedar Street Presbyterian Church, 
In a letter written by Graham from England to his friend Hill, in 1816, he 
thus refers to their different family training: "You were more rigidly 
brought up at home, and taught self-management betimes." Perhaps here 
was the fons mali of his after years. He studied in Union College, also 
subsequently at New Haven, whence he entered the law office of Barent 
Gardenier of this city, of the firm of" Gardenier and Anthon," in Wall 
Street, as early as 1807-8. Gardenier was a member of Congress, and 
represented the 7th Congressional District, Kingston, N. Y., in the Xth 
Congress, and again the 5th District in the Xlth, in both terms represent- 
ing Greene and Ulster counties. He fought a duel when in Congress ; a 
sad legal example to his student who afterward fell a victim to that false 
code of honor. In London Graham, a stranger, needy, and impelled by 
illness, was befriended by a philanthropic gentleman of fortune by the name 
of Burdon, who sent him to Trinity College, Cambridge. There his old 
Catskill mate spent a pleasant day with him. Graham subsequently wrote 
him from Hartford House, Northumberland, Mr. Burdon's country-seat. 
The two did not meet again until 1826, when they dined together at Niblo's. 


He was then assisting Major Noah in editing the Enquirer, and wrote a 
number of articles that were read with much interest, particularly some on 
li Good Society," not yet forgotten by old New Yorkers. A few weeks after, 
when playing cards with young Barton, of Philadelphia, a hasty word was 
followed by a blow, then a challenge, a duel, and a fatal shot. He died in 
a boat from Hoboken on returning to New York. As he fell he exclaimed, 
" Barton, I forgive you." WILLIAM HALL 

IV.— The Yorktown-Washington Mulberry Tree. 

In his Yorktown Centennial Oration, Mr. Winthrop indulges in a 
glowing reference to the tree under which Washington is said to have slept 
on the first night of the investment of the town, September 28, 1781. "You 
will all agree with me, my friends," to quote the orator, " that if that tree, 
which overshadowed Washington sleeping in the open air on his way to 
Yorktown, were standing to-day — if it had escaped the necessities and 
casualties of the siege, and were not cut down for the abattis of a redoubt, 
or for camp-fires and cooking-fires, long ago — if it could anyhow be found 
and identified in yonder Beech Wood, or Locust Grove, or Carter's Grove — 
no Wellington Beech or Napoleon Willow, no Milton or even Shakespeare 
Mulberry, no Oak of William the Conqueror at Windsor, or of Henri IV. 
at Fontainebleau, nor even those historic trees which gave refuge to the 
fugitive, Charles II., or furnished a hiding-place for the Charter which he 
granted to Connecticut on his Restoration, would be so precious and so hal- 
lowed in all American eyes and hearts to the latest generation." 

The tree is there — what remains of it ; so at least say those who have 
long dwelt under the shadow of its offspring, which has grown out of the 
parent stump. During a visit to Yorktown before the celebration, the 
writer was curious to fix the spot of Washington's Headquarters, which, with 
the plans of the siege and the aid of an officer of the United States Engineer 
Corps, it was not difficult to do. The site has always been known as the 
"Washington Lodge," where a house stands, whose occupant, Mr. Jones, 
assured us that a fine old Mulberry tree adjoining the premises was the 
lineal continuation of the one under which Washington slept, as stated. 
This tradition in his family comes straight down from his grandfather, who 
was a Virginia militiaman at the siege. The original house which Wash- 
ington soon made his quarters, and in front of which he also pitched his 
marquee, was burned down during the late war, only the kitchen chimneys 
of the historic building remaining. Irving had heard and states that the 
tree was a Mulberry. It stands two and one-half miles back of Yorktown,, 
undisturbed, unvisited, unphotographed. J. 





Chaplain to Connecticut Troops in the 
Expedition toward Crown Point, 1756 

The Rev. John Graham, of Woodbury, 
Conn., was the second son of one of the 
Marquises of Montrose, being born in 
Edinburgh, 1694. Coming to Boston in 
1 718, he married Abigail, daughter of the 
celebrated Dr. Chauncey. He settled at 
Exeter, N. H., and afterward at Stafford, 
Conn. In 1732 he became minister of 
Southbury Society, Woodbury, continu- 
ing there until his death, December, 1774, 
in the eighty-first year of his age. The 
Connecticut Colonial Records (x. 483) 
recite that " this Assembly do appoint the 
Rev d . Mr. David Jewet, of New London, 
the Rev d . Mr. John Norton, of Middle- 
ton, the Rev d . Mr. Grayham, of Wood- 
bury, to be Chaplains in the forces to be 
raised in this Colony for the Expedition 
against Crown Point." 

Though appointed he does not appear 
to have gone to the field, as he was already 
far advanced in years. The journal, how- 
ever, indicates that his son took his place, 
as the writer of the journal mentions his 
" father Graham.' ' This son was the minis- 
ter of Suffield, near the northern border 
of the State on the Connecticut River. 
Chaplain Graham appears as the typical 
New England parson of the period, being 
conscientious, devout, morbid, and super- 
stitious, believing in signs, and accepting 
ventral grumblings as positive indications 
of the will of the Lord. 

The troops raised by Connecticut con- 
sisted of four regiments, under General 
Phinehas Lyman, a very brave and 

able officer, who served under General 
Johnson at the battle of Lake George, the 
year previous, and who conducted the 
fight after Johnson retired to his tent 
wounded. Though so greatly indebted 
to Lyman, General Johnson did not men- 
tion him in the dispatches, and, while ac- 
knowledging his indebtedness in private, 
carried off all the honors. A full and ap- 
preciative sketch of Lyman will be found 
in " Dwight's Travels" (i. 305, iii. 361). 
The intended campaign against Crown 
Point, however, failed, owing to the in- 
efficiency of Lord Loudon, who had suc- 
ceeded to the command in North Amer- 
ica, a man described to Franklin by Innis 
as being like St. George on the signs, 
always on horseback but never getting 
forward. Loudon had about fifty thou- 
sand troops under his control, but did 
little. At Lake George and vicinity the 
troops accomplished nothing beyond the 
operations referred to in the Journal, 
where the Connecticut troops do not ap- 
pear to much advantage, and hardly justi- 
fying the devout traditions of their ances- 

Suffield was the home of both Chaplain 
Graham and General Lyman. Leaving 
this place they went first to Suffrage and 
Canaan ; thence going northward to Shef- 
field, Massachusetts. The route was then 
pursued to Kinderhook, on the Hudson, 
and along the river to Greenbush, oppo- 
site Albany, afterwards arriving at Half 
Moon, at the junction of the Hudson and 


Friday. June. 11 1756. About one 
o'Clock. P.M. set out from Home in the 
Expedition to Crown Point in Company 



with the Honourable Phineas Lyman 
Esq. Maj r - Gen 1 - of the Army and Sundry 
others — Came that Night to Oliver Um- 
phrys of Suffrage. 1 Lodged here 

Saturday June 12. 1756. Had but 
Little Sleep, rose, under great P2xercise 
of mind whether I, under my Bodily in- 
firmities could be in the way of my Duty 
to Engage in an Affair attended with So 
much Labour and Fatigue ; But Spred- 
ing my Case before God, addressed my- 
self to my Journey Still pleading that 
God would direct my path ; and if it was 
not his pleasure that I should go, Y l I 
might know it by the encrease of my in- 
firmities, on the Contra, if his pleasure 
that Health and Strength might be al- 
low' d ride with dejected spirits till Noon 

Began to feel more Comfortable, had 
some refreshing Sense that I was in the 
hand [of] God, that he was able to Im- 
prove me for his Glory and hon r - — and 
that I had nothing to do, but to sanctify 
God himself and make him my fear, and 
him my Dread 

Came at Night to Cap*- Lawrances at 
Canaan where we Lodged 

Sabbath Day June. 13. 1756 Still con- 
cern'd how to approve myself unto God, 
and men in my present Business j felt But 
weak and Infirm in Body ; Yet set out and 
Came that night to Garet Koons in the 
upper part of Sheffield, where we lodged 
and thank God felt more Comfortable 
both in Body and mind 

Monday June. 14. 1756 Rested Com- 
fortable Last Night, and with much pleas- 

1 Oliver Humphrey was the first magistrate of 
West Simsbury, taking up his residence at Suf- 
frage Village, now Canton, in 1742. Barber says 
that Suffrage took its name from the sufferings 
there endured by the settlers. 

ure addressed myself to my Journey in 
Company — at Night Came to Esq. Vans- 
coit at Kenderhook where we Lodged. 

Tuesday June 15. 1756 — Came to 
Col: Ransley at Green Bush about 5 
o'Clock — P.M. where we put up. 

Tuesday June 22. 1756 — Continued 
to keep at Col. Ransley all the week past 
— preached a Sabbath day past in the 
Dutch Chh.V.M. from Isai. 8. 13— this 
Day left Col. Ransleys and entended to 
go up to the Camp at the Half Moon — But 
taken with an Ague fit and Squincey was 
Detained at Mr. Wendell 

Wednesday June 23. Continued very 
ill But thro' goodness at Night my Throat 

Thursday. June 24. 1 756. felt much 
more Comfortable, and walked abroad 

Friday June 25. 1756. Recruited fast. 

Saturday June 26. Set out for the Camp 
where I arrived about 9 o'Clock P.M. 

Rec d - a Letter from B r - Judd. & B r - Bull 
Camp at Half Moon. 

Sabbath June 27. 1756. Preached 
P.M. from ps. 84. 12. The assembly 
appeared not only Serious but many Ef- 
fected — Thanks be to God the Glorious 
Head ; all Influences. 

Munday June 28. 1756. Rose Com- 
fortable attended Duties of the Camp, 
favoured w* a Letter from my spouse. 
Dated June 24. 

Nothing Remarkable Happened 

Dispatched a Letter for my wife 

Tuesday June 29. 1756. Rec d - a Let- 
ter from my wife, giving me the Satisfac- 
tion of the Health of my Family — Lord 
Continue it — Rec d - also Letters from 
Father Graham, B r Crouch. &c 

Wednesday June 30. 1756. Sent a 
letter this Morning to my wife ; this 



evening the Malancally News of I> Grant 
and p l y of fourteen that were out in Scout 
Cutt off or Captivated — going to Fort 
Massachusetts ' 

Thursday July i. 1756. Rose Com- 
fortably this Morning. Sent a Letter to 
Father Graham & Cap 1 - Peck 

Friday July. 2. 1756. Nothing remark- 
able Happened on This Day all the 
Regin ts - Encamped at half Moon of Can- 
non heard at Fort Edward Judged to be at 
Fort Will 111 - Henry. 2 the firing said to begin 
about 8 o'Clock P.M. and continue till 
about 2 o'Clock next morning. Where- 

Thursday July 8. There was a party of 
men, about 300 Sent of under the Com- 
mand of Mj r Stores to go up to the forts, 
and if Distressed to relieve them — Twas 
also reported that there was a Number 
of Battoes filled with the Enemy that 
turned the point that runs into the Lake, 3 
in fair Sight of the Fort 

This Day a Heavy storm of rain Hail 
Thunder and Lightening about 2 o'Clock 
& 30 Minutes Past M. 

Excessive and Sultery Hott before the 
Storm, more temperate since 

The' storm Came on again about 7 
o'Clock. and held Till about 12 o'Clock 
at Night — This Evening returned the 
scout of 120, from Fort Massachusetts 
that went out last Saturday, all well, and 
report that they found 8 men Dead, one 
of which was L fc Grant : Made no Dis- 
covery of the Enemy. L 1, Grant found 
w* a Sow Hogg in his Back 

1 Near or in Williamstown, Massachusetts. 

2 At the head of Lake George ; besieged and 
destroyed by Montcalm, 1757. 

3 Lake St. Sacrement, afterward " Lake 

Friday July 9. 1756. Nothing remark- 
able Happened this morning 

Saturday July. 10. 1756. no remark- 
able Events, happen 

SabbathDayJuly.n. Preached at the 
upper half Moon, A.M. a [on] Mark. 16. 
16 P.M. a [on] John 5 50 1 under Consider- 
able disorder. By reason of the Dyscen- 
tary, — The Joyfull News of the Victory, 
obtain'd by Col. Broadstreet over the 
french and Indians, about Nine miles this 
Side of Oswago. Lost on our side 40, 
and 20 Wounded — toke 2 Captives, about 
60 Guns, Packs &c. and killed a Great 
N. [number] not Certain how many ' 

Monday July 12. Nothing Remarkable 

Tuesday July. 13. 1756. Sent of a 
Detachment of men for the Artilery and 
Ordinance Stores to Albany 

Wednesday, 14. July, the party re- 
turned Bro't up the Cannon &c & 

Thursday, July 15. we De Camped be- 
gan our March forward, about 1 o'Clock 
with all the Artillery, Ordinance Stores 
and Baggage in about 300 Waggons and 
100 Teams — Marched 7. miles to the 
Half way House. Encamped, about 7 
o'Clock all's well 

Friday. July. 16. De Camped and 
Marched about 1 o'clock, Arrived at 
Fort Winslow at Still Water, about -J after 
7 o'Clock. Saluted with 7 Cannon from 
the Fort — I was much fatigued traveling 
on foot Saturday, July. 1 7. Continued our 
March, ie [with] the Army • I came by 
Water with Gen L Lyman, &c also the Ar- 
tillery and Ordinance Stores, were trans- 
ported by Water to Fort Hardy at Sura- 

1 There is no St. John v : 50. 

2 This refers to the expedition against Fort Du 



toga, the Army arrived about 8 o'Clock 
much wearied and fatagued with there 
Long march 

Lords day July, 18. 175,6 — as we En- 
caped Last night, and the Army Some- 
thing Beat out — tho't proper to Lye 
still — therefore sent of a Detachment of 
700 men to Gaurd the Teams and Wag- 
gons To Fort Miller, and only a Sufficient 
Guard to be Sent Back with Teams &c 
the rest to proceed forward to Fort Edw d 
P.M. about 5 o'Clock Cap rogers J ar- 
rived with 8 Captives, and, four Scalps, 
a Council of War Held, the Prisoners Ex- 
amined, Nothing special found out by 

Also a Great many french Letters brot 
in — the Rev d - JVT Swain Preached A M & 
M r HawleyP.M. Much Disorded all the 
forenoon — More Comfortable P.M 

Munday July 19. still Continue our 
Encampment at Suratoga. P.M. about 

5 o'Clock arrived the Guard from fort 
Miller, who bring the following advice 
that Last Saturday a party of Indians 
about 20 Came upon our men at Lake 
George about 80 in Number and killed 3. 
and took 2, and wounded Several others. 
We afterwards were informed i ir [there] 
were 60 in y e party 

Tuesday, July 20. 1756 — We Decamped 

6 marched about 9 o'Clock, Came that 
Night to the Small Plain, about 6, o'Clock 
4 Miles South of Fort Edward — Gen 1 
Winslow arrived at Fort Edward with y e 
first Division, Gen 1 - Lyman with the 2 d 
Division Encamped at the small plain — 
alls well 

1 Captain Robert Rogers, who in the winter of 
1755 was very active scouting on Lake St. Sacre- 
ment. During the Revolution he commanded 
some British Rangers. 

Wednesday July 21. about 7 o'Clock 
M. Struck our Tents, and Marched — 
arrived at Fort Edward about 12 o'Clock 
— Dined at Col. Worsters Encamped on 
the plain North of the Fort 

Thursday, July 22. 1756. Last night 
the whole Camp alarmed, Called to Arms 
abo't £ after 1 at night, By the firing of 
the Centery, at what they knew not 

This day came the News of Mr. Cha- 
pine being Killed, and anoy r Man. and 
his Family Captivated, who Lived at or 
Near Fort Massachusetts 

Friday July 23. Nothing remarkable. 

Saturday July, 24. Nothing Extraor- 

Sabbath Day July, 25. Preached to 
the Connecticut Troops in the fore 
Noon from ps. 78. 37. Mr. Lee P.M. — 
About 7 of the Clock P.M. the scouting 
party Came in from Fort Miller, with three 
french men who Came in there, and Sur- 
rendered themselves, they were three 
Days out of Tionderoga — and give the 
following account upon Examination — 
here reference had to the Examination 
Rec. Letters from Home &c 

Munday July, 26. The Team and 
Waggon Guard came from fort W m- Henry 
and Inform, that in Morning, a party of 
french and Indians, judged to be about 
60. and attacted our men, looking for y e 
oxen. Killed and Scalped Two Rhode 
Island Teamers. Another had his Leg 
Broke to peices by a Shot from y e 
Enemy, and Cap* Lotridge had a bullit 
shot thro' the fore Peak of his Hatt. But 
our men with boldness withstood them, 
drive them off, and Recovery'd many of 
there packs, and Blankets &c. Especi- 
ally there Surgeons pack, with Gown 
Medecines &c — Sent Letters Home 



Tuesday July, 27. — Nothing Extraor- 

Wednesday July 28, Gen 1, Winslow 
moved off with 1,360 men to Fort W m - 
Henry — Nothing Remarkable. Labour 
under great discouragements for find my 
Business but mein in the Esteem of 
many, and think there's not much for a 
Chaplain to do, Some that I might hope 
for better things, thinks it's too presum- 
ing for a minister to tell the officers or 
soldiers there particular Duties But 
Leave the officers to order just as I 
think best and the Chaplain to tell the 
Soldiers I must be ordily and attend 
Duty. O Lord to ie [thee] belongs praise 
and glory, teach me how to live and Con- 
duct that I may Conduct myself both 
faithfully and acceptably 

Friday July 30. 1756. Nothing re- 
markable Yesterday nor to Day, spent 
this Day in Study, am Considerably 
Comfortable in bodily health, have no 
great prospect of Being servicable as a 

Saturday July 31. Things remain 
much in the same Situation as of Late, 
the Recconnortering parties made dis- 
coveries of the Enemy sent 

Lord's Day August 1, 1756 — 150 men 
Hedded by Col. Nathan Pason went to 
in pursuit of the Enemy — Nothing 

Preached A.M. To Boston and Con- 
necticut troops from Jer. 7. 2 — P.M. To 
New Hampshire force from Rom. 2. 4. 

Munday Aug st - 2. A party of men 
sent to mend the Road, of 100, a Scout 
of 11 men Headed by Cap*- Sheperd Sent 
out from s d party, who steered there 
Course Eastward, and about 4 Miles E 
from the Road, in the Side of a Swamp 
discovered the Enemy and fired upon 

them, the Enemy returned the fire with 
Hedious Yells, and Large lumbers 
Rushed out, that our men were obliged 
to Escape — two Came to the party at 
the Roads — an Express Came into Camp, 
from Col. Hart who headed the party of 
100 men informing us of the Affair 

A Detachment of 300 men under the 
command of Maj r Paterson, were sent 
out immediately for the Relief of Col. 
Hart, who was about 87 Miles 1 upon 
the Road to Lake George. Maj r - Pater- 
son Marched his men being very dark, 
fell in with Enemy who had ambushed 
the Road about 5 Miles from the Camp ; 
the fire Began very Brisk on both side, 
but all fired a Randum not see any ob- 
ject to Shote at — in which one Regular 
was Killed, Cap 1 - Titcumb wounded and 
three or four More — About 3 o'clock 
the News Came to Camp, a Detachm* 
of 200 More were immediately Sent out 
who Tuesday Aug. 3. Joined the others 
and toke there Rout Eastward. Came 
across the Enemies Camp in a Hideous 
Swamp and Drive of the Enemy to take 
2 Waggon Load of Bread, and a Large 
Quantity of other Stores — Distroyed all 
and Came of — also this Morning our 
Dead and wounded bro't in 

Wednesday Aug st 4. 1756 — Gen 1 Wins- 
low Came from fort W m Henry to fort 
Edward Escorted by 300 men— Col. An- 
gel with three Hundred detached out of 
the forces here ; under his Command 
went out upon Discovery 

Thursday Aug st - 5. This morning a 
Reconnortering party, that went out Yes- 
terday Morning, Returned, and Advice, 
that they discovered Signs of four partys 
of the Enemy, to the N. E. Stearing there 
1 Probably means seven miles. 


Course to the Waggon Road from this 
fort to fort W m - Henry Judged there had 
been two Hundred in the whole of the 
four parties of the Enemy 

About 10 o'clock Gen 1 Winslow Set 
off from this fort towards Albany to wait 
upon the Right Hon bIe - Lord John, Karl 
of Louden 

Maj r - Thomson Order' d to return with 
his men to fort W m - Henry to about a 
Mile, East of the path, and Col. Doty w* 
170 men to March about a Mile E of 
Maj r - Thomson, and to Sustain Each oy r 
if attack 'd by the Enemy 

No News from the Scouting party but 
all things at present Secure 

Lord be thou our Defence and Safe 

Eriday, Aug st - 6. 1756 — the scout re- 
turn'd from Wooderick ' this morning, and 
Say that they have made no discovery 
a Little before 4, P. M. o. Clock a Storm 
of Thunder Came over with Severe Gusts 
of wind, attended with Hail, oversett 
many Tents — &c 

L' Col. Doty. Returned with his men 
about £ after 4. P. M. Made no discov- 
ery of the Enemy 

Col. Angel Return'd. made but little 
discovery, found one [of] Cap*- Shepards 
men Dead, and buried him, found the 
pictures two more upon peel'd trees ; ' 
With the Signs of mortal wounds &c 

Saturday Aug st - 7. 1756. Twas with 
much Exercise of mind I spent the Day 
Considering the awfull growing wicked 
of the Camp — and nothing Effectual at- 
tempted to restrain — Lord Do thou re- 

Wood's Creek, in South Bay. 
- These appear to be marks cut upon the trees 
for the guidance of those out in search of missing 



strain us and turn us to thee and we shall 
be saved 

Sabbath day, Aug st - 8 — One of the small 
scouts return and bro't word that a large 
Number of Enemy Lay in a Swamp 
within a few Miles from the Camp. Gen 1 - 
Lyman Order'd a Party of four Hundred 
to be immediately Sent out under the 
Command and Direction of Col. Fitch — 
who scoured the woods but made no 
Discovery of the Enemy themselves but 
saw some of there being very Lately in 
that place 

M r - Norton Preach A. M. — and I 
preached P. M. from Jos. 24. 15 — may it 
be word made Effectual to reform us — at 
night Rec d - Letters from Home by the 
hand of M r - Austin of Suffield 

Munday Aug st - 9. Spent the day in 
writing to my father, wife &c 

Nothing Remarkable happened 

Tuesday 10. Aug st - things remain much 
in the Same Situation ; the Sickness En- 
creases very fast, and deaths Multiplied 

Wednesday, 11. and Thursday 12. 
Nothing Special 

Friday Aug st - 13. Joyful News Came 
this day to Camp, that the Stockbrige 
Indians 1 were come into Fort W m * Henry 
and had bro't in two french Scalps, and 
report the Enemies Camp at Tionderoga 
looks to be biger than the Camp at Fort 
W m and this place both together ; that 
they have Eight Store Houses, and a 
Great number of Barrels lying on the 
shore, and Battoes a great many 

Saturday 14. 1756. Dined at Col. 
Harts with Col. Angel and Col. N. Pay- 
son — Nothing Remarkable happen' d 

1 They appear to have accompanied the troops 
to Lake St. Sacrement, bringing scalps, which fact 
evidently elevates the spirits of the Chaplain. 



Lords Day Aug st - 15 M r Norton 
Preached M. I preached P. M. from Is. 
8. 19 

Munday, Aug st - 16. sent Letter to my 
Father & Tho s Truesdell of Danbury. 

Col. Fitch, and Col. N Payson went off 
for south Bay, 1 With 450 men and the 
Regular Ingeneir to Survey that Country, 
and the Bay, for purposes not known in 
Gen 1 but Supposed in Order to Build a 
Fort there if need Require 

This Evening about -J- after 9 Gen 1 
Winslow and attendents arrived from Al- 
bany — Nothing yet Devulged, but kept 

Tuesday Aug st 17. 1756 

Breakfasted this morning with y e - Gen 1- 
— But a graceless meal — Nev r - a Bless- 
ing Asked, nor Thanks given — At the 
Evening Sacrifice, a more open Scene of 
wickedness, the Gen 1 - and Head officers 
with Some of the Regular officers — in 
Gen 1, Lyman Tent, within 4 Rods of the 
place of Publik prayers ; 

None came to prayers ; but fixing a 
Table without the Door of the Tent, 
where a Head Col, was posted to make 
punch in y e Sight of all they within 
Drinking, talking and Laughing During 
the whole of the Service to the distrub- 
ance and disaffection of most present 

This was not only a bare neglect but 
an Open Contempt of the Worship of 
God, by the Heads of this Army Twas 

but last Sabbath that Gen 1 - L n spent 

the Time of Divine Service in the After- 
noon, in his Tent Drinking in Company 
with M r - Gourden a Regular officer — I 
have oft heard Cursing and Swearing in 
his presence, by some pas*- field officers, 
but never heard a reproof, Nor so much 

1 The southern extension of Lake Champlain. 

as a Checck to them for taking the Name 
of God in Vain, Come from his Mouth 
nor in the least to intimate his dislike of 
Such Language in the Time of it — tho 
he never Uses Such Language himself, 
but in private Conversation, when I 
have Spoken of it to him he disapproves 
of it to me — Lord what is man, — truly 
the May Game of Fortune — Lord make 
me Know my Duty What I ought to do 

Wednesday Aug st - 18. 1756, Last 
night Col. Glazer geting into Anger with 
the Cap 1 - of the Fort Guard, Close by my 
Window where there was nothing to be 
heard from Glazer but Damn and G — d. 
D—n, You 

Here the Journal abruptly ends. On 
the succeeding pages are the following 
memoranda, " L. M." signifying lawful 
money. The Chaplain appears to have 
mixed the classics with themes of war. 

for Sarg*- Pumroy's Son to Get 

1. Virgil 

2. Tullys orations with Notes 

3. a Greek Grammer 
Rec d - a 30. Bill Oct r - Date 

Gad Sheldon Greek Lexicon 

Latin Grammar 
Rec d - three Dollars 
M r - Bull paid L. M. 

a Farmington L — 3 — 10 

Southington 1 — 8 

idem — 8 

Waterbury — 6 

idem 2 — 2 

idem — 10 

Woodbury — 

New Milford 4 — 9 





House in the Woods 

New Fairfield — 


York Money 

Cap u Dan 1 - Bemus 2 

John Brown 5 

— 2 


— 4 

10 — 2 
10 — 2 




5 — 1 
10 — 1 

1 — 
1 — 

2 — 9 — 2 
Business for Ab m - Curtis 
To Carry two Letters 

To Inform M r - Kapon, and Amos Cur- 
tis I have all my money but there's 

am to take M r Kassons of his B r - — 
have power to abate one Dollar of the 
Sum in the Note 

Rec d also a Note of Amos Curtis to 
Ab m - Curtis — 

Symsbury, L 1 — 2 — 2 

Tole 2 — 2 

Farmington 8 — 

Southingtown 1 — 9 

Waterbury 1 — 5 

W* of York— 4 — 3 — 3 

The letter book of Mr. John Ball, uncle 
of Washington, is in the possession of a 
descendant, Mr. L. M. Downman, of 

Washington, D. C, who has copied several 
letters for our use, among them being the 
following, addressed to Elizabeth Wash- 
ington. In this connection it may be 
stated that we have been informed re- 
cently by a connection of the Washing- 
tons, that there has always been in the 
family a tradition to the effect that, on 
one occasion, during the anti-tea times, 
Elizabeth Washington was caught, to her 
overwhelming confusion, in a private 
tea-drinking, thereby greatly scandalizing 
her own fair fame and the patriots' cause. 
What connection there may have been 
between this sad breach of public faith 
and the following letter, the reader must 
himself decide : 

Stratford by London 2 nd Nov. 1749 
Couz. Betty 

I have sent you by your brother 
Major Washington a Tea Chest, and in 
it Six Silver Spoons and Strainer, and 
Tongs, of the same, and in one Canister 
J L. of Green Tea, and in the other as 
much Bohee : and the Sugar box is full 
of Sugar ready broke : So that as Soon 
as you get your Chest you may sit down, 
and drink a Dish of Tea. I rec d your 
Mothers Letters ; give my Love to her, 
and all your brothers and Sisters, and to 
Rawleigh Travers, and Mrs Cook, and 
Peter Daniel and his Wife. We are all 
well I thank God ; and wish you all so. 
My Wife and Daughter join with me in 

I am Your Loving Uncle 

J. B. 

To Miss Eliz : Washington 
Nigh the Falls of Rappahannock 
By fa vr of Major Lawrence 




TON, S. C. 

The history of this statue illustrates the 
uncertainty attached to personal popular- 
ity, for the counterfeit presentment of the 
illustrious Pitt has proved a subject of 
alternate admiration and contempt. The 
wise and the unwise have illustrated the 
changes in public opinion, though we 
owe it, finally, to the intelligence of the 
City of Charleston, that the monument is 
once more decently placed in an appro- 
priate position. The documentary ac- 
count, reprinted from the Literary Jour- 
nal, gives the story of the statue, pro- 
cured at the expense of the public, which 
afterward paid the workmen for taking 
it down, while the crowd shouted for joy 
when "old Pitt," in the hurried descent, 
"lost his head." It appears now, how- 
ever, that it was the mob that lost its 
head, though, as the accompanying en- 
graving shows, a cannon-ball in 1780 
came into town from the " Water-melon 
Battery," and carried away the eloquent 
statesman's arm. Otherwise the work is 
in a tolerable state of preservation, and 
its restoration gives much satisfaction. 
From the Charleston News and Courier, 
of May 30, 1881, we learn that — 

" After the monument had been thrown 
down by the workmen, the fragments of 
the statue were gathered up and stowed 
away in some of the public buildings, 
where they remained with less dignified 
rubbish until the year 1808, when the 
commissioners of the Orphan House had 
them collected and erected the statue 

within the area fronting that institution, 
where it remained standing until it was 
taken down at the request of the South 
Carolina Historical Society and by order 
of the City Council, and removed to the 
City Park, near the spot where it first 

Mayor Courtenay has directed the 
work of re-erecting the statue. The 
base of the new monument is made of 
Fairfield county granite, and is five feet 
and six inches square by one foot and 
three inches thick. Upon this is built 
of pressed red and buff brick work the 
pedestal, into the die of which the panels 
containing the inscriptions are fitted. 
There are two panels of fine Italian 
marble (one of which is the panel that 
belonged to the original monument) 
three feet and six inches high by two 
feet and six inches in width. The 
pedestal is capped with a fine cornice of 
native granite five feet and six inches 
square, and one foot thick. Upon this 
cornice is placed the statue. The 
original panel of the monument faces 
Meeting street. It is somewhat stained 
by the lapse of *time, but contains the 
following well preserved inscription : 


In grateful memory 

of his services to his country in general, 

And to America in particular 

The Commons House of Assembly 

of South Carolina, 

Unamimously voted 

This Statue 


The Right Honorable William Pitt, Esqr., 


Gloriously exerted himself 

In defending the freedom of Americans. 

The true sons of England, 



By promoting a repeal 

Of the Stamp Act, 

In the year 1766. 


Shall sooner destroy 

This mark of their esteem 


Erase from their minds 

Their just sense 
of his patriotic virtues. 

[the new inscription] 
Upon the new panel, placed on the 
opposite side of the pedestal, is the fol 
lowing inscription : 

This statue was voted in May, 1766, 

On motion of Rawlins Lowndes, Esq., 

and was erected at the 

intersection of Broad and Meeting streets 

July 5th, 1769, 

The right arm was destroyed by the fire 

of the English batteries on James Island 

during the siege of Charlestown 

in 1780. 

It was removed March 13th, 1794, 


Re-erected by the Board of Commissioners 

of the Orphanhouse 

in front of that building 

in 1808. 

At the request of 

the South Carolina Historical Society, 

and by order of 

The City Council of Charleston, 

It was removed to this spot 

under the direction of 

Hon. Wm. A. Courtenay, Mayor, 

May, 1 88 1. 

Note — The New York Statue to the 
Earl Chatham now stands in a mutilated 
condition in the Refectory of the New 
York Historical Society. A full account 
of it may be found in Stevens' Progress 
of New York in a Century, an address 
delivered before the New York Histori- 
cal Society December 5, 1876, and pub- 
lished for it. So much of it as con- 

cerned the statue was reprinted in the 
Magazine (VII, 67) as a reply to a 
query on the subject. 


Extracts from the Southern Literary Journal. 
Vol. I, No. 5, for January, 1836 

The news of the repeal of the Stamp 
Act was received in Charleston on Sat- 
urday, the 3d of May, 1766. It was 
brought by Captain Josiah Dickinson, 
in the sloop Sukey and Nancy, from 
Barbadoes. "As soon," says the South 
Carolina Gazette, of the 6th of May, 
1766, " as the foregoing very agreeable 
and important intelligence was known, a 
general joy appeared in the countenance 
of every well wisher of his country, and 
the glorious cause of liberty. At four 
o'clock, in the afternoon, the artillery 
company, commanded by Christopher 
Gadsden, Esq., and the company of 
light infantry, commanded by Thomas 
Savage, Esq., appeared under arms, and 
went through their exercise, firing, &c. 
In the evening, the town was hand- 
somely illuminated, and the day closed 
with loyalty and mirth, echoing with 
loyal toasts to his majesty king George 
III., the great patriot, Mr. Pitt, and, our 
worthy friends in England." 

The town was also illuminated on the 
evening of the 5th ; but the gratitude of 
the people of the province did not stop 

here. The Commons House of As-. 
sembly, which was in session at this time, 
unanimously resolved, "that they would 
make provision for defraying the expense 
of procuring, from England, a marble 
statute of the Right Honorable William 
Pitt, to be erected in this province as a 
memorial and testimony of the great 



veneration and respect they have for 
his person, and the obligations they lie 
under, in common with the rest of his 
majesty's American subjects, as well for 
his services in general to his king and 
country, as for his noble, disinterested 
and generous assistance towards obtaining 
the repeal of the stamp act ; and it 
was referred to the committee of cor- 
respondence, as soon as may be, to write 
to the agent to procure the same, to be 
done in the most finished and elegant 
manner." — South Carolina Gazette, May 
13, 1766. Rawlins Lowndes, Esq., was 
the mover of this resolution. 

In the tax act of 1766, the House of 
Assembly granted the sum of seven 
thousand pounds, Carolina currency, to 
procure this statue. I have never seen 
all the correspondence on this subject, 
which ensued between the committee of 
the House and Charles Garth, Esq., who 
was, at that time, agent of the province 
in England ; but, in looking over some 
old papers, the other day, in the Secre- 
tary of State's office, I accidentally 
found the following letter of this gen- 
tlemen, addressed, without doubt, to the 
committee of correspondence : 

London, July 9, 1766 
Gentlemen ; On the 1st inst. I had the honor 
of your favor of the 13th of May. I need not 
say that I had a very particular pleasure in hear- 
ing the joyful reception which the repeal of the 
Stamp Act has met with in America ; as need- 
less will it be to tell you how much I approve 
and am pleased with the commission you have 
given me to procure, for you, a statue of Mr. 
Pitt. It is a mark of grateful respect, in my 
opinion, extremely judiciously pointed. Taking 
the lead, and expressing his opinions in that 
able and spirited manner he did on the 14th of 
January, 1766, ought ever to be held in remem- 

brance by every true friend and well wisher to 
the liberty, the peace and welfare of his 
majesty's dominions. By the first post I wrote 
to Mr. Pitt to apprise him of the compliment 
passed in your House of Assembly, enclosed 
him their resolutions and an extract from your 
letter to me in relation to this subject. I am 
pleased as this is not only the first but the most 
distinguished compliment paid to him from 
America. Other colonies, I hear, approving the 
thing, set on foot private subscriptions, a plan 
infinitely short of your's in nobleness and dignity. 
You may be assured, gentlemen, it shall be my 
earnest endeavor that your orders be obeyed in 
the completest manner possible. I have, since 
the receipt of your epistle, been employed in 
making the most diligent inquiry as to the repute 
and estimation in which the several artists in this 
way stand, and next in going to them to take a 
view of their works and to collect from their 
several opinions as well as to the manner in 
which your directions may be carried into exe- 
cution, as to the price and the time requisite for 
finishing the same. 

Rouvillac is dead ; Risbach has left off busi- 
ness ; of the several that remain, Mr. Wilton 
and Mr. Reid are of the first note and eminence. 
Both appear to have great skill, but the prefer- 
ence, I find, is given to the former. I have, 
therefore, made choice of him to give my orders 
to, to which I have been the rather induced, as 
he has signalized himself remarkably by a statue 
of Mr. Pitt, finished this spring, for the city of 
Cork, and admired by every body here before 
sent to Ireland. The city of Cork, when they 
asked the above favor of Mr. Pitt, begged his 
recommendation of the person he would choose 
it should be done by, and Mr. Wilton was 
honored therewith. In this gentleman's offices, 
I saw, likewise, two busts of him, to be sent to 
Ireland very shortly ; and which, for likeness 
and workmanship both, are very greatly ad- 
mired. I mention these circumstances that you 
may know the motives for the preference I have 
given — being myself extremely anxious to have 
your's finished in the most elegant style, though 
I have been a good deal perplexed notwith- 
standing, your letter not being sufficiently ex- 
plicit where to be placed, this being a circum- 



stance that must make a very material difference 
in the execution. If to be set in any room, or 
niche in any building, the figure must be less in 
size than if placed in a square or open area ; so 
likewise the pedestal, in order to produce a good 
effect in the open air. These are the sentiments 
of Mr. Wilton, and of all the artists in general. 
At present I have given in your directions to 
have him at full length, in a speaking attitude 
and suitable dress, with a roll in one hand, in- 
scribed Magna Charta, and a proper pedestal to 
it, that he may turn in his mind in what design 
to execute it. In the mean time I may learn 
either from some correspondent to the merchants 
of tolerable authority, or from persons who are 
lately come, or may arrive by the next vessels, 
what the idea and intention are at Charleston. 
As to the expense, I cannot send you any pre- 
cise information. The artists vary in their ac- 
counts, but much must depend on the design. 
In general they talk of from five to eight hun- 
dred guineas, if it be set in an open square, 
which seems the noblest scheme. Till a model 
of the design is finished, there is no making any 
agreement with propriety, as that might be a 
means of limiting his fancy in the ornamental 
part about the pedesdal. I don't find it practi- 
cable to finish the models of the statue and 
pedestal, and, afterwards, the marble therefrom, 
in less than fifteen or eighteen months. ***** 
I am, gentlemen, with great respect, your 
very faithful and most obedient humble servant 
Charles Garth 

I understand that the whole of Mr. 
Garth's correspondence, as agent of the 
colony, with the Provincial House of 
Commons, is in existence at Columbia. 

In the South Carolina Gazette, of the 
6th of January, 1767, there is the fol- 
lowing extract from a letter of the com- 
mittee of correspondence to Charles 
Garth, Esq., dated Charleston, October 
20th, 1766, in answer to the foregoing 
letter of Mr. Garth's. Says the committee: 

" That concerning the statue of Mr. Pitt (now 
Lord Chatham), was taken immediately into 

consideration, being the first business entered 
upon this meeting. It was then determined by 
the House to have it fixed in the most public 
part of our town, where two of the broadest and 
longest of our streets that run east and west and 
north and south, intersect each other at right 
angles, one of which is sixty, the other seventy 
feet wide, and both as straight as an arrow. In 
the cross-way of these two streets the statue is 
proposed to be erected, and will have our New 
Church, our New Market, the State House and 
Armory, all public buildings, at the several 
corners of it. Mr. Wilton's form, designed for 
an open space, is thought rather too stiff in its 
attitude. However, we have no additional di- 
rections to give on this matter, further than that 
you will consult the best connoisseurs, and have 
it finished in the most elegant manner, excepting 
that too great care cannot be taken to have the 
marble as hard, solid, and smoothly polished as 
possible, because of the many sudden and vio- 
lent showers of rain that happen here in the 
summer time, and those frequently followed by 
such piercing and intense heat of the sun, as 
would (without such precaution) quickly pene- 
trate into cracks and less solid pares, and, here- 
by, soon spoil the beauty of the statue." 

There were two designs k of the pro- 
posed statue by Mr. Wilton sent out to 
Charleston by Mr. Garth, which are now 
in the possession of that admirable 
artist and accomplished gentleman, 
Charles Fraser, Esq. The provincial 
House of Assembly became quite im- 
patient for the arrival of the statue, for, 
on the 4th of July, 1769, they disagreed 
to a petition to retain it some time in 
England, and ordered it to be sent out 
to Charleston as soon as finished. 

The supplement to the South Caro- 
lina Gazette of May 17th, 1770, contains 
the following paragraph: 

" This day arrived here in the ship Carolina 
Packet, Captain William White, from London, 
in 38 days, the marble statue of that celebrated 
English patriot, the Right Honorable William 



Pitt, now Lord Chatham, for which the Assembly 
of this province voted one thousand pounds 
sterling in the year 1766. It is a colossal statue, 
done by Mr. Wilton, highly finished and reck- 
oned as complete a piece of sculpture as ever 
was done in England. When ready to be landed, 
we are told that the inhabitants of this town are 
determined to draw it themselves to the place 
where it is to be erected in the square between 
the State House, Guard House, St. Michael's 
Church, and the Public Market, the present 
Lord Chatham being equally respected by them 
with the former great Commoner." 

Mr. William Adron came out in the 
same vessel to put up the statue. 

" Last Tuesday morning (says the South Caro- 
lina Gazette of May 31st), about nine o'clock, 
the elegant marble statue of that true friend and 
undaunted assertor of the liberties of Britain 
and America, the 'Right Honorable William 
Pitt, done by Mr. Wilton, of London, was 
landed, upon Charles Elliott's wharf, amidst a 
vast concourse of the inhabitants, many of them 
of the first rank and consequence, who received 
it with three hearty cheers, and, preceded by 
music, after a flag had been placed on the case, 
drew it, by hand, in fifteen minutes, to a shade 
prepared for its reception at the armory, where 
it is to remain until the foundation and pedestal 
are raised where it is to be erected. Nothing 
ever was conducted with greater order than this 
• procession, and (except some of the lookers-oh 
who have been remarkable for distinguishing 
themselves upon too many occasions) every one 
seemed highly pleased with the respect that was 
shown to the great patriot by such a reception of 
his statue. All the vessels in the harbor except 
three (one belonging to Leith, another to Dun- 
dee, &c.,) displayed their colors upon this occa- 
sion, and St. Michael's bells would have been 
rang, but were stopped out of regard to Isaac 
Mazyck, Esq., a very worthy member of this 
community, who lives near that church, and lay 
extremely ill. When the statue was lodged, the 
inhabitants made a handsome present to the 
seamen belonging to the ship ; and their thanks 
are due to the owners, who have refused to re- 
ceive any freight for the statue and appur- 

tenances, consisting of no less than fifty-seven 
heavy packages. 

" Previous notice having been given that the 
statue of the Right Honorable William Pitt 
would be got ready to be raised this afternoon, 
early this morning all the vessels in the harbor 
hoisted their colors, and a flag with the words 
Pitt and Liberty, and a fine branch of laurel 
above it, was displayed at the scaffolding, upon 
a staff of forty- five feet high ; and, this after- 
noon, in the presence of almost the whole of 
the inhabitants, the statue was raised and fixed 
in its place, without the least accident, by the 
Numbers 26 and 92, members of the Club No. 
45, who had assembled themselves upon this oc- 
casion. As soon as it was fixed, twenty-six 
members of our Assembly ascended the scaffold, 
when the Hon. Peter Manigault, their speaker, 
was pleased to condescend to the request of the 
people, by proclaiming the inscription on the 
pedestal, which was in these words : 

In grateful memory 

of his services to his country in general, 

and to America in particular, 

the Commons House of Assembly 

of South-Carolina, 

unanimously voted 

this statue 


The Right Honorable William Pitt, Esq., 


gloriously exerted himself 

in defending the freedom of Americans, 

the true sons of England, 

by promoting a repeal 

of the Stamp-Act, 

in the year 1766. 


shall sooner destroy 

this mark of their esteem, 


erase from their minds 

their just sense 
of his patriotic virtues. 

St. Michael's bells rang. Joy sat on every 
countenance. As soon as this was done, Lord 
Chatham's health was drank, twenty-six cannon 
were fired by the artillery company, three huzzas 
succeeded. This evening, the Club No. 45, 
consisting of a great body of the principal in- 
habitants, are to meet at Messrs. Dillon and 
Gray's (at the old City Tavern, northeast corner 
of Broad and Church Streets) where an elegant 



entertainment is provided for them, when the 
following forty five toasts will be drank : 

1. The King. 2. The Queen and Royal Family. 3. 
The Lieutenant Governor (William Bull) and the Prov- 
ince. 4. The Sons of Liberty throughout America. 5. 
The Glorious Ninety-Two. 6. The Unanimous Twenty- 
Six. 7. Our present Representatives. 8. The men who 
will part with life before liberty. 9. Lord Chatham. 
10. Lord Camden. 11. Lord Rockingham. 12. Honor 
and influence to the friends of Britain and America. 
13. The Duke of Manchester. 14. Lord Granby. 15. Sir 
William Meredith. 16. All honest, resolute and disinter- 
ested patriots. 17. Mr. Burke. 18. Sergeant Glynn. 
19. Governor Pownall. 20. The Virtuous Minority of 
both Houses of Parliament. 21. Mr. Beckford, Lord 
Mayor of London. 22. The Sheriffs Townsend and Saw- 
bridge. 23. Alderman Wilkes. 24. The Supporters of 
the Bill of Rights. 25. James Otis, Esq. 26. Daniel 
Dulany, Esq. 27. The Pennsylvania Farmer. 28. Suc- 
cess to all Patriotic Measures. 29. Christopher Gadsden , 
Esq. 30. Thomas Lynch, Esq. 31. John Rutledge, Esq. 
32. Firmness and Perseverance in our Resolutions not to 
flinch a single inch. 33. Hon. Jonathan Bryan. 34. Hon. 
Henry Middleton. 35. Hon. Peter Manigault. 36. The 
Patriotic Merchants of America. 37. Hon. Judge 
Lowndes, who made the motion for the statue. 38. 
Charles Pinckney, Esq'. 39. Miles Brewton. 40. Mr. 
Neufville, Chairman, and the General Committee of this 
Province. 41. Success to American Mannfactures. 42 . 
Property to the Lovers of Liberty only. 43. Our Lands 
free, our Men honest, our Women fruitful. 44. Judas's 
fate to the enemies of America. 45. May Wilkes always 
prove a scourge to tyrants and traitors, and be the glory 
of old England." — South Carolina Gazette, July 5, 1770. 

The Club No. 45, mentioned above, 
was a popular one at this time in Char- 
leston, and took its name from the 
famous 45th Number, of the North 
Briton, which occasioned Mr. Wilke's 
imprisonment. The Club celebrated 
his release in Charleston by an enter- 
tainment, at which they drank forty-five 
toasts, and broke up at forty-five minutes 
past twelve o'clock. 

One or two of the above toasts, per- 
haps, at this time, require a little ex- 

The General Court of Massachusetts 
on the 29th of June, 1768, by a vote of 
of ninety-two to seventeen, refused to 
rescind, at the request of the king, a 
resolution, of the preceding session, 

directing their speaker to send a circular 
letter to all the colonies requesting that 
they would join in dutiful petitions to 
the king for the redress of the grievances 
occasioned by sundry late acts of the 
British Parliament. These ninety-two 
were generally called and toasted as the 
Glorious Ninety-two Anti-Rescinders. 
When the House of Assembly for South 
Carolina met on the 7th of November, 
176 3, Mr. Peter Manigault, the speaker, 
laid before them the above-mentioned 
circular, signed by Mr. Cushing, as 
speaker of the C?eneral Court of Massa- 
chusetts, which received their unanimous 
approbation. The House, at this time, 
consisted of twenty-six members. 

This measure was so displeasing to 
Lord Montagu, then governor, that he 
immediately dissolved the House by 
proclamation, although they had not 
been in session above three or four days. 
In his opening address to the House, 
Lord Montagu had acquainted them 
that his majesty considered this 
letter and proposition of Massachusetts 
to be of the most factious tendency, and 
calculated to promote an unwarrantable 
combination among the colonies. 

Daniel Dulany belonged to Maryland, 
and had been Attorney-General of the 
Lord Proprietary of that colony. 

Jonathan Bryan was a distinguished 
Whig of Georgia. The rest of the 
toasts speak for themselves. 

The statue, which was surrounded by 
an iron railing that supported four 
lamps, remained at the intersection of 
Broad and Meeting Streets during the 
whole revolutionary war, unhurt by any- 
thing, except a cannon ball, which, dur- 
ing the siege of Charleston, in 1780, was 



discharged from a British fort, on James 
Island, and which, ranging across Ashley 
River and along Meeting Street, carried 
off Mr. Pitt's right arm, extended as if 
in the act of addressing an audience. 
After the peace of 1783, carriages, for 
the conveyance of persons and goods, 
had increased so much as to require the 
statue to be removed from so public a 
thoroughfare. Jacob Milligan and others 
were employed to take it down. 

This happened not long after the com- 
mencement of the French revolution, 
and- the persons who were engaged in 
taking down the statue were supporters 
of French opinions, and favorers of the 
revolution ; friends of France, and, con- 
sequently, hostile to William Pitt, who, 
at that time, was Prime Minister of 
England, and directing all the energies 
of his great intellect against France. 
With a petty malignity which savors of 
fierce democracy, their hostility to the 
son was extended to the statue of his 
illustrious father. It is thus described 
by Judge Drayton, in his memoirs, p. 

' ' They fixed their ropes around the neck of 
the statue (which was raised on a high pedestal), 
for the purpose, as they said, of obtaining a 
purchase by which they might erect the triangle, 
by whose assistance the statue was to be raided 
from the pedestal ; and, after having gained the 
purchase, as they called it, and fixed blocks and 
tackles to a post at some distance at the side of 
the street, they commenced drawing the ropes 
with all their force. The event turned out as 
was expected, and of which they had been 
warned while in the act of applying the power ; 
for, so soon as the triangle was raised a few de- 
grees high, its weight, and the opposing angle it 
made to the upright position of the statue, over- 
came its fixture, and it was prostrated to the 
ground. By this fall, the head of the statue was 

severed from the body, or was guillotined, as 
they were pleased to term it, and other parts of 
the body were mutillated." 

The executioners, however, were not 
satisfied with the mere delight of be- 
heading the efnigy of this illustrious 
friend of America, for I find that the 
City Council paid Jacob Milligan four 
pounds, eleven shillings and six pence, 
for his services on this occasion. The 
City Council lost nothing by this ex- 
penditure ; for they afterwards sold the 
stones, which composed the pedestal, 
to the late Judge Grimke, " at a fair 
valuation." Among these stones was 
the marble slab containing the inscrip- 
tion, which was placed, by Judge Grimke, 
in the wall of his garden on East Bay, 
where it remained for some time, until 
it was removed to be placed on the 
pedestal of the statue, when it was 
erected on its present site in the Orphan 
House yard. 

The removal of the statue is noticed 
in the South Carolina Gazette of Friday, 
March 14th, 1794, in the following 
manner : 

"Yesterday, the marble statue of the late 
Earl of Chatham, which had been standing for 
a number of years in Broad and Meeting Streets, 
was pulled down. The iron railing round it had 
been displaced a few days since. It is somewhat 
ominous to the aristocrats, that, in removing this 
effigy, the head was literally severed from the 
body, though without any assistance from the 
guillotine. A correspondent observes that the 
executioners showed no kind of contrition on 
this melancholy occasion ; not even a basket was 
provided to receive the head ; not a single per- 
son was observed to dip a handkerchief in the 
blood ; nor will it be at all surprising if the 
body should remain without interment till the 
sound of the last trump. Sic TRANSIT gloria 





A false method — It is a favorite 
method with some historical writers to 
argue from negatives, or, otherwise, to 
make the absence of positive knowledge 
the foundation of positive statement. A 
voyage, for instance, the performance of 
which involves no improbability, is vaguely 
mentioned by some old chronicler. " This 
cannot be true," argues the objector, " for 
the reason that we have no account of such 
a voyage." Ignorance is thus brought to 
the front, and made to do duty as posi- 
tive knowledge. Otherwise, the argu- 
ment would run, " We know that such a 
voyage as that in question did not take 
place, because we know nothing about 
it." This process is sufficiently absurd, 
yet it is often employed. It is argued 
that we have no formal account of a cer- 
tain achievement prior to a certain date, 
and therefore nothing prior was done. 
Thus, taking it for granted that little or 
nothing is known with respect to pre- 
Columbian voyages to America, it is 
argued that Columbus was the first to 
lead the way to the New World. In the 
hurry to make out a case for some par- 
ticular hero, they are unable to see the 
dimly outlined anterior performance, and 
out of the whole cloth of ignorance cut 
for themselves garments which they fancy 
they have fashioned out of the beautiful 
texture of positive truth. There is noth- 
ing more credulous than incredulity, and 
unbelief often demands a prodigious ven- 
ture of faith. 

defence of well-grounded and thoroughly 
stiff doubt. In a sense, all progress is 
based upon doubt. Statements need to be 
looked into sharply, and whoever does his 
duty will seek to put the doubt with 
directness and force, wherever the doubt 
belongs, without regard to the feelings of 
families or communities that may be 
pained by the puncturing of some patent 
untruth. There is nothing that fibs like 
history, and the challenge is in order. 

The de bry pictures — The original 
sketches made for the illustration of De 
Bry's work are now preserved in the 
British Museum. Recently they have 
been photographed, and they will be used 
in illustrating a series of articles in The 
Century by Dr. Eggleston, who will treat 
the question of life and manners in 
connection with the early history of this 
country. These photographic reproduc- 
tions are exceedingly interesting, and show 
a degree of faithfulness upon the part of 
the artist that the engravings in De 
Bry's work do not reveal. In fact the 
engraver engraved out much that was es- 
sential, so that while, for instance, a shad 
in the original sketch is at once recog- 
nized as a shad by a competent judge, 
in the engraved picture it is difficult to 
say what kind of a fish the artist intended 
to represent. If these photographs are 
faithfully followed, as presumably they 
will be, the forthcoming articles in The 
Century will add much to the interest 
now taken in De Bry, and prove a wel- 
come addition to American history. 

Per contra — As much, however, as 
may be said against scepticism in historic 
research, a great deal may be offered in 

Ethan allen once more — The 
charge that at one time Ethan Allen was 
on the point of becoming a traitor and 



joining the British, has often been made, 
and, as some think, it has been substan- 
tiated. The Vermont explanation, as 
given by Hall, is that all this was a pre- 
tence on the part of Allen to deceive the 
British and gain time for the American 
cause. Mr. Hall denounced the conduct, 
of which he offered an explanation ; but 
references to Allen are still turning up. 
In the present number of the Magazine 
(p. 201), in an article giving extracts from 
Sir Henry Clinton's " Private Intelli- 
gence, "-is the following significant entry : 
"By the best accounts Ethan Allen has 
not yet joined tho' much discontented." 

Gone to texas — The letters " G. T. 
T." used to signify " Gone to Texas." 
Bad characters, we have always been 
told, used to go there is great' numbers ; 
yet the leading article in the present issue 
on "The Colonization of Texas" seems 
to indicate that the early colonists were 
of a better class than often supposed. 

The SARATOGA monument — The bill 
lately introduced into the New York As- 
sembly, by Mr. D. S. Potter, of Saratoga 
Springs, appropriating $15,000 for the 
proposed monument on the Saratoga bat- 
tle-field, 1777, will, if passed, secure the 
completion of the project. The $30,000 
granted by Congress, added to the $io ; ooo 
previously appropriated by the State, are 
evidence of the liberal disposition of 
both bodies. Something more, however, 
is needed, and will doubtless be secured 
by the new bill. The monument, it is 
known, is to stand about a mile west of 
the bank of the Hudson, near Burgoyne's 
last camp, and overlooking the field of 

the surrender at old Fort Hardy. From 
Saratoga Springs the distance is twelve 
miles. The Monument Association has 
a clear deed to three acres of land pur- 
chased by private subscription, mainly 
through the efforts of the Secretary, Mr. 
Wm. L. Stone, Jr., and the monument 
has already made progress twenty-five 
feet from the ground. It will be obelisk 
in form, "with Gothic decorations," and 
have an altitude of one hundred and 
twenty-five feet. The designs, furnished 
by Mr. J. C. Markham, the architect, pre- 
sent a stately structure, worthy of the 
decisive event to be commemorated. It 
is expected that the present year will see 
the main shaft completed. 

Christ church, Philadelphia — With 
reference to the first of the coming cen- 
tennials of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church, this ancient edifice will be re- 
stored. Among the repairs and restora- 
tions designed are the following : The 
restoring to use again the ancient aisle 
floors, including therein the venerable 
tombstones, still in good condition (as 
was"*ascertained in an examination of some 
of them in October last, by lifting a por- 
tion of the present flooring), substituting 
for the old and worn brick pavement 
Minton tiles, thus removing the wooden 
flooring built over them in 1836. Among 
these stones are those covering the re- 
mains, among others, of the Reverend 
Robert Jenney, LL.D. (1762), and the 
Reverend Richard Peters, D.D. (1776), 
rectors of the church, the Reverend Na- 
thaniel Evans, M.A. (1767), the Honor- 
able Richard Warsom, Esq. (1766), John 
Knight, Esq. (1733), John Roberts, mer- 
chant (1730), and those benefactors of 



the church, Mrs. Mary Andrews (1761), 
and Thomas Venable, Esq. (1731), and 
Rebecca, his wife (1784). A memorial 
stone over the remains of Bishop White, 
which were laid under the chancel in 1870, 
is included in the plans, and is the gift of 
an unknown donor. The removal of the 
two western doors to the bay immediately 
east, where they were originally built, as 
shown by the brick mouldings and other 
evidences existing. The removal of the 
present cumbersome stairway to the gal- 
leries erected in 1836, and employing 
their place with the pews displaced by 
the new cross passage. Restoring the 
stairway in the south-east room, for access 
to the south gallery, and giving access to 
the north gallery by the school-house 
stairway. The removal of the pulpit from 
the north pier of the chancel (where it 
was placed in 1870) to its original site in 
front of the chancel arch, a little north of 
the middle aisle. 

A burgoyne spy — In a MS. order 
book for 1779, among court-martial pro- 
ceedings confirmed by general orders, 
" Head Quarters, New Windsor, July 
4th," is the following item : " Likewise 
Joseph Bettis was try'd for having been a 
spy for Gen 1 Burgoine, in the Service of 
the enemy by coming Within the American 
Lines, in the State of N. York, in a Se- 
cret manner ; and Returning again to the 
Enemies of the United States ; & for hav- 
ing forg'd a certificate to facilitate the 
execution thereof: found guilty and 
Unanimously Sentenced to Suffer Death 
by being hung by the neck untill he be 
Dead. — The Commander in Chief con- 
firms the foregoing sentences." 

Harlem heights — On the gravestone 
of James Clark, buried at Lebanon, Conn., 
in 1826, is the inscription : 

11 He was a soldier of the Revolution 
and dared to lead where any dared to 
follow. The battles of Bunker Hill, Har- 
lem Heights and White Plains witnessed 
his personal bravery." 

He was known in later years as Colonel 

The record of Washington's birth 
— This entry found in the family Bible, in 
his mother's handwriting, is as follows: 
" George Washington, son of Augustine 
and Mary, his wife, was born ye nth day 
of February 173.2, about 10 in the morn- 
ing, and was baptized the 3d of April fol- 
lowing. Mr. Beverly Whiting and Chris- 
topher Brooks God-fathers, and Mrs. Mil- 
dred Gregory God-mother." In those 
days the year commenced on the 25th of 
March. In 1750 the beginning of the 
year was changed by act of Parliament 
to the 1st of January, and the day follow- 
ing the 2d of September, 1752, was reck- 
oned the 14th, omitting eleven days. The 
nth of February, 1732, old style, is equi- 
valent to the 22d of February, 1733, new 
style. v The 2 2d of February was first 
celebrated as Washington's birthday in 
1 791, 1 believe, and was generally adopted 
by I 793 ; but I do not think that any 
historian has. noted the fact that Washing- 
ton was really born in 1733, and was 
really one year younger than always rep- 
resented. This fact makes his career 
all the more remarkable. To illustrate : 
on October 31, 1753, when he was com- 
missioned " to visit and deliver a letter 
to the Commandant of the French forces 
on the Ohio," Irving and others say " he 



was not yet twenty -two years of age." 
He was not twenty-one, being only twenty 
years, eight months, and nine days old. 
Alexander Brown 
Norwood, Virginia 

Indians — From the tabulations of the 
United States census of June, 1880, we 
gather some curious facts about Indians 
living in the larger centres of population. 
The enumerators have made minute dis- 
tinction between full-blood and mixed- 
blood Indians, and though we would ex- 
pect to find more of the latter than of 
the former in our largest cities, just the 
reverse is the case. The following figures 
show that the Indians are gradually 
gathering about the large cities, because 
they are sure to find there more steady 
work than elsewhere : Cook County, 111., 
with Chicago, has 39 Indians and 4 mixed 
bloods ; District of Columbia, with Wash- 
ington, has 6 Indians ; Baltimore County, 
Md., with Baltimore, has 10 ; Suffolk 
County, Mass., with Boston, has 21 ; 
Philadelphia County, with Philadelphia 
City, has 26; Chester County, just south- 
west of the above county, has 4; Hamil- 
ton County, Ohio, with Cincinnati, has 
10; Westchester County, N. Y., has 14; 
Kings County, with Brooklyn, has 23 ; 
New York County, with New York City, 
has 44. The Long Island aboriginal 
population are largely mixed with negro 
blood, and show for Queens County, 25 ; 
for Suffolk County, 60 Indians. The 
whole of New Jersey State has 58 In- 
dians. M. S. Gatchet 

burying-ground of Groton, Mass., gives the 
following : 

" Sacred to the memory of Capt. Abram 
Child, who was born at Waltham, 1741, 
and died at Groton, Jan. 3, 1834, aged 
93 years. He entered the army in the 
French War, at the age of 1 7 years. Was 
with Gen. Amherst at the capture of 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point in 1759. 
He was a Lieutenant among the Minute 
Men, and aided in the Concord Fight and 
the Battle of Bunker Hill in 1775. Join- 
ing Washington, he was one of the Im- 
mortal Band which crossed the Dela- 
ware, Dec. 25, 1776, and turned the tide 
of war in the Victories of Trenton and 
Princeton. Detached to the North, he 
fought in the two Battles of Stillwater, 
and witnessed the surrender of Burgoyne 
in 1777. Rejoining Washington, he bore 
equally the Frosts of Valley Forge and 
the Heats of Monmouth, in 1778. De- 
tailed with Gen. Wayne, he Crowned his 
Military career by heading the Infantry as 
oldest Captain in the gallant capture of 
Stoney Point, in 1779, where he received 
.the only wound that marked his eventful 
services." * Groton 


A remarkable career — Dr. Green, 
in his collection of epitaphs from the old 

The sharples portraits — The agent 
of the Sharpies Washington portraits, 
which are again in this country on a brief 
tour of exhibition, is interested in ascer- 
taining the number of copies of the pic- 
tures which the artist made and left in 
the United States. Four or five small 
copies of Washington as President, either 
in crayon or water-colors, are known to 
be in New York. Of Martha Washington 



none are reported. Do any exist else- 
where ? 

Two of the three portraits, the recent 
arrival of which from England has been 
noticed by the daily press, are here for 
the first time since their execution. 
They are those of the President and 
his wife, painted in 1796. The other, 
of the General in military uniform, 
was on exhibition here in 1834, in com- 
pany with Sharpies' painting of " Stuy- 
vesant's Army entering Sing Sing." It 
was at the solicitation of Washington 
Irving that they were sent over from 
England for a short period. The two ad- 
ditional portraits are of great value and 
interest, that of Martha Washington be- 
ing especially noticeable for its strength 
and fidelity. The President's is a trifle 
less satisfactory, as compared with Stuart's 
portrait, which has become the traditional 
representation. All are worth a patriotic 
visit and critical inspection. 

As to Sharpies, it may be stated, what 
many will recall, that he was a well-to-do 
Englishman of artistic turn, who came to 
the United States in 1794 for the benefit 
of his health, " bringing with him orders 
and commissions to paint numerous por- 
traits of officers and gentlemen, for their 
families in England." He painted por- 
traits of the Washingtons, and executed 
in crayon those of many others. The 
originals of the former belong to an 
English family, in whose possession they 
are likely to remain for an indefinite 
period ; but, for the gratification of 
all who wish to examine them, they are 
brought here for exhibition for a short 
time, and have been or are to be 
seen at New York, Brooklyn, Boston, 
Philadelphia, and possibly some other 


Autotype copies are offered for 

Women in camp — How far was it a 
practice for Revolutionary officers and 
soldiers to have their families in camp ? 
What can be added similar to the follow- 
ing, taken from the original MS J 

11 Return of the Women and Children 
(drawing rations) of the first N. Y. Regi- 
ment of foot. 


Light Company- 
First " 
Second " 
Third " 
Fourth " 
Fifth " 

Seventh " 


44 32 

J. H. Wendell Adjt. ) Pompton 5 April 
i st N. Y. Regiment." j 82. 

Kite flying — I have always been 
curious on the subject of kite flying, 
which is of great antiquity among the 
Chinese, whose translated literature, so 
far as I know it, does not give any ex- 
planation of the pastime. I have fre- 
quently asked myself if the kite repre- 
sented a captive bird or a flock of birds. 
There is, however, in the new volume of 
the Smithsonian Institution devoted to 
Ethnology, at page 372, a pictograph of 
the Coyetero Apaches, found at Camp 
Apache, in Arizona, which represents a 
star with a circle in the middle, having 
attached eleven small round disks con- 



nected with lines, the whole forming an 
exact representation of a star-shaped 
kite with a long tail of bobbins placed 
at intervals on the string. The explana- 
tion given is not very clear, but is of an 
astronomical character, the star being 
put for the sun. Now, does this figure 
represent the heavenly bodies, and is 
kite flying a conceit of the Chinese, who 
fancy that they are playing with the sun, 
moon, and stars on the days sacred to 
this sport in the Flowery and Celestial 
Kingdom ? Kite 

Pollock, george, of new Orleans, 
1806-7 — George Pollock, Justice of the 
Peace for the County of Orleans, took 
the deposition of Gen. James Wilkinson 
against Burr, at N. O., Dec. 26, 1806 
(Am. Register 1, no). Also that of T. 
H. Cushing, U. S. Army, in same case, 
May 20, 1807 (Wilkinson's Mem. II., 
App. XCII.). George Pollock's name 
also occurs January 24, 1807, on the 
Grand Jury of N. O., among many very 
prominent men, which found a true bill 
against General Wilkinson for the mili- 
tary arrest of James Alexander and Peter 
V. Ogden (Am. Reg. 1, 98). Can any 
one give any further information about 
this George Pollock ? 

Horace Edwin Hayden 

The peace of 1783 — Having duly 
commemorated nearly every incident, bat- 
tle and skirmish of the Revolution from 
Maine to Georgia, it is proper to inquire 
whether any preparations are suggested 
or in progress to celebrate the conclusion 
of the treaty of Peace between Great 
Britain and the United States in 1 783. 

The presidential elector — How 
comes he into our politics ? The word 
"elector" could not have been con- 
tinued from colonial use. Is it an im- 
portation, and imperial at that? In pro- 
posing that " electors " should elect the 
President, did the Constitutional Conven- 
tion, or the mover in the case, have the 
German system in mind — the " Seven 
Electors" ? Mr. Wilson, of Pennsyl- 
vania, appears to have been the first to 
propose the electoral college. What new 
light can be thrown upon this point ? 

St. clair's defeat — Where is the 
original letter written by Tobias Lear, 
Washington's secretary, describing the 
latter's reception of the news of St. Clair's 
defeat in 1791, to be found? When 
published, and in what form or what peri- 
odical ? T. 

Wesley as a bishop — One frequently 
finds reference to this subject in historical 
discussions. Can any reader of the Mag- 
azine explain the origin of the notion that 
Wesley in some way received episcopal 
consecration, or furnish the bibliography 
of the subject ? Stillingfleet 


The discovery of the Mississippi — 
This subject [vin. 139, 156] is treated 
as though La Salle, while having no claim 
as the discoverer of the Mississippi, was, 
nevertheless, the person who discovered 
the three mouths of the " Father of Wa- 
ters." Perhaps, however, this claim is 
the worst founded of all ; since, for a 
period of nearly one hundred and sixty 
years prior to La Salle, the northern 



shore of the Gulf of Mexico was familiar 
to the European explorers, together with 
ecclesiastics and members of various re- 
ligious orders. The suggestion that Jo- 
liet was indebted to representatives of 
his own faith for that full knowledge of 
the river which he did not gain from per- 
sonal examination, is in accordance with 
what we know of the history of explora- 
tion, though the knowledge he thus ob- 
tained must have resulted from explo- 
rations earlier than 1673. A glance at 
the maps of the Gulf of Mexico prior to 
this date will enable the student to ap- 
preciate the activity of explorers. Before 
1503, the Portuguese were active in this 
connection. In 1521, Garay explored the 
northern shore of the Gulf, proceeding 
eastward nearly to Florida, being suc- 
ceeded by De Soto. More than a hundred 
years before Joliet saw the Mississippi, 
Englishmen, who had been left on the 
Bay of Mexico by Sir John Hawkins, 
crossed the river close to its outlet. In 
fact, those who have studied the question 
only in connection with operations at the 
north have missed much of the interest. 
Such maps as that found at page 92 of 
the " Hist '0 ire Uiiiverselle des Indies occi- 
dentals el orientates" printed at Douay, 
in 161 1, not to mention earlier editions, 
show conclusively that a great river was 
known to occupy what we now know as 
the valley of the Mississippi. It was 
called U Rio de S. Spirito," and extended 
far into the north, showing a general re- 
semblance to the Mississippi and the 
Missouri. The " Rio Escardido," on the 
western side of the Gulf, answers to the 
modern " Rio Grande ; " while, eastward, 
"Rio Canaveral" represents the " Ala- 
bama." Between the latter and " Rio 

de S. Spirito" were three small rivers 
represented to-day by the "Tanqupa- 
hoa," the " Pearl," and the " Pascagoula." 
These delineations are rude, but they are 
similar in their character to what we 
might expect of one drawing a map of 
those rivers from obscure and tangled re- 
lations and rough sketches. Hence what 
was intended for the Alabama River ap- 
pears almost as great a river as the "Rio 
de S. Spirito." This map goes so far as 
to indicate, though in a vague manner, 
the connection of the southern water- 
flow with one or more great lakes at the 
north. Yet, however rude the delinea- 
tion, there can be no doubt but that 
nearly a century, at least, before Joliet, 
the existence of the Mississippi had been 
made known, it being perfectly well un- 
derstood that two or more great streams 
rose in latitude 40 north and united at a 
certain point, rolling on a mighty tide 
to the Mexican Gulf. 

Joliet, La Salle, and the rest of the 
French explorers beyond question were 
familiar with the well-known " Histoire 
Universelle" and when they found them- 
selves on the Mississippi, they knew per- 
fectly well that they were sailing on the 
waters of the " Rio de S. Spirito." These 
men did not pretend to be discoverers, 
and Joliet, after reaching the lower waters 
of the Mississippi, did not go on to the 
mouth, as he feared that he should fall 
into the hands of the Spaniards and their 
Indian allies, who were down at the mouth 
of the river, with which they had been 
familiar for more than a century, having 
delineated it upon their maps. It is clear 
from the inspection of maps of a Spanish 
origin of the period between 152 1 and 
1600, that the northern shore of the Gulf 



had been explored many times, especially 
by men like Garay, who was in search of 
rich cities. Excursions were made into 
the interior by land, and longer ones by 
water, following the Mississippi and other 
streams. Much was thus learned from 
personal knowledge, while the Indians in 
their rude way completed the sketches of 
the country which the Europeans began. 
But why was not the existence of the 
river emphasized ? This was simply be- 
cause the time to attach value to the fact 
had not arrived. The explorers were in 
search of wealth, and it was not until 
later times that territorial jurisdiction and 
its advantages attracted the attention of 
France. Then arose the opportunity of 
Joliet, Marquette, Hennepin, and La Salle, 
who, by proclaiming the facts in the case, 
became famous. The early explorers did 
not care whether the Mississippi had one 
throat or three, though the good people 
of New Orleans are making as much ado 
over the matter as though the Father of 
Waters drank from the great salt gulf 
through threescore. The next time let 
us begin our investigation at the begin- 
ning, and prepare for a celebration of 
the real discoverers of the mouths of the 
Mississippi, when the discoverers are dis- 
covered. Delta 

The fraudulent thevet [viii. 130] 
— In confirmation of the truth of the rep- 
resentation of Thevet already given, the 
testimony from his earlier work may be 
added. In his "France Antarctique," 
published in 1556, and translated into 
English in 1758, and now rare, he dis- 
tinctly shows that he was taken sick in 
South America, was carried on board the 
ship, was sick all the way on the voyage, 

and could scarcely walk when he reached 
France, and that he did not even land 
upon North America. Nevertheless, in 
his later work he forgets all this, and pre- 
tends that he made the acquaintance of 
New England and the North by actual ex- 
ploration. The following extract, how- 
ever, settles the whole question, as he 
did not approach either Florida or 

" Seeing thus that in writing this dis- 
course we have made mention of this lande 
called Florida, although that in our re- 
torne we approached not so neare, con- 
sidering that our course lay not so low, 
never the less, we sayled close by to take 
an easterly wynde. It seemeth to me not 
out of the way, to write thereof some 
thing. Lykwise of the land of Canada 
that is next to it toword y e North, being 
only certainemountainesbetweene bothe. 
Therefore keeping our course of the height 
of new Sftaine on y e right hand to attain 
to Europe, not so sure nor so right a 
course as we wished to have gone, we 
found the sea favorable enough. But as 
by chaunce I put out my head to beholde 
it," the sick man says, " I saw it as farre 
as I could extend my sight, all covered 
with herbs and rloures, the which gave me 
occasion to think that we were nere to y e 
land, considering also y 4 in other places 
of y e sea I had not so much seene ; not- 
withstanding I found myselfe frustrate of 
my opinion, knowing that they proceeded 
of y e sea, so we saw the sea strawed with 
those hearbs for the space of twenty 20 
days." This was the " Sea of Saragossa " 
through which the monk sailed, and which 
he espied from his cabin window. Here 
let the " Explorer of New England," cel- 
ebrated by Dr. Kohl, make his exit. 



" The old benson house " [vol. v., 
219] — This ancient formerly existing 
Harlem mansion, described in the note 
referred to, was stone-built mainly, but 
fronted with "Holland brick." It faced 
the south, was a story and a half in height, 
with low-running roofs, and had two 
square windows in each end. Mr. Samp- 
son Benson, its owner and occupant, be- 
fore, during, and after the Revolution for 
many years, died in 1821, at the age of 
about ninety. The old house — how old 
no one can tell — was totally demolished 
when Mr. Sampson B. McGown, the 
venerable grandson of Mr. Benson, built, 
about twenty years ago, the large and 
handsome brick house in which he now 
lives on three-quarters of the same site, 
using, however, some of the old stones of 
the former in its foundation. Col. De Voe 
is mistaken in the idea that the present 
house has any other feature of identity 
with its ancient Dutch predecessor, and 
that it has once been " turned around." 
The old mansion, seized by the British 
with the occupation of New York City, 
was appropriated and held for their army 
and hospital uses until the evacuation 
day. Then it was reoccupied by Mr. 
Benson, who, with his wife and two chil- 
dren, had retreated within the American 
lines, he to enter our army. His grist- 
mill, opposite the house — about where the 
Third Avenue corners on One Hundred 
and Sixth Street, north-westerly, and 
where was once a tide-water stream ac- 
cessible by boats — was too patriotic in its 
work to stand, and so the enemy burnt it 
down. Mr. Sampson Benson McGown, 
born in Harlem, June 8, 1797, may now 
be properly regarded as the patriarch of 
that part of this great city. His father, 

Andrew McGown, being quite a youth 
during the Revolutionary war, remained 
in charge of his aged mother on the family 
homestead. The British also occupied 
it, but permitted them to be co-inhabit-, 
ants. Andrew McGown married Mar- 
garet Benson, and in 1794 — the "yellow- 
fever year" — built him a house, which 
was lately consumed by fire with the 
Mount St. Vincent Convent, near the 
head of Central Park, where it stood, on 
his original lot of seven acres. To his 
son, the respected and intelligent citizen 
above mentioned, we are indebted for 
these facts. W. H. 

New York, March 20, 1882. 

Caledonian society [vii. 457] — This 
New York society was incorporated April 
6, 1807, by special act of the Legislature 
(Chapter 168 of Taws of 1807), which 
Act, by its own limitation, expired in 1822, 
and most likely the society went out of 
existence at the same time. The Act gave 
permission to the society " to purchase, 
take, receive, hold, and enjoy any real 
estate in fee simple or for term of life or 
lives, etc., etc., for the purpose of enabling 
them the better to carry into effect the 
benevolent purpose of affording relief to 
the indigent and distressed." The clear 
yearly value of their real and personal 
estate was not to exceed $2,000. 

B V 

Albany, N Y 

General morgan — A note to the bio- 
graphical sketch of Major-General Phile- 
mon Dickinson [VII. 427] reads as fol- 
lows : " Headley says General Daniel 
Morgan, of Princeton, was Conway's 
second, but this is denied by the latter's 



family." This is a mistake. Headley 
[II. 192] says : " When arrived at the ap- 
pointed rendezvous, Cadvvalader accom- 
panied by General Dickinson of Penn- 
sylvania, and Conway by Colonel Morgan 
of Princeton." This confounding of Gen- 
eral Daniel Morgan, the hero of the Cow- 
pens, with Colonel George Morgan of 
New Jersey, is quite common. In the 
General Index to the Documents relative 
to the Colonial Hktory of the State of New 
York (p. 429), the following reference is 
made : " Morgan, colonel Daniel, ap- 
pointed Indian agent, VII., 983 ; his rifle- 
men harass the British army, VIII., 731." 
Here Colonel George Morgan, the Indian 
agent, is mistaken for Colonel Daniel Mor- 
gan, the commander of the famous rifle 
battalion. In the index to Lossing's 
Field-Book of the War of 18 12, p. 1081, 
is the following reference : " Morgan, 
Daniel, General, 1033." On turning to 
page 1033, I find it is General David 
Morgan who is mentioned. In Holmes' 1 
Annals of America, II., 486, in the list of 
deaths for 181 7, John Morgan is men- 
tioned, and in a note it is stated : " Gen- 
eral John Morgan was of Morganza, 
Washington County, in Pennsylvania." 
It was really Colonel George Morgan, 
formerly of New Jersey. I. C. 


Wisconsin state historical soci- 
ety — This society, which was organized 
in 1849, an d reorganized in 1854, has a 
rare and valuable library of not less than 
100,000 volumes in its rooms in the Cap- 
itol at Madison. They represent nearly 
every subject in art, science, and general 

literature. The collection is especially 
rich in the early history of the Northwest, 
and in books relating to Indian tribes that 
once lived within the borders of the 
State. Among other treasures, there are ' 
5,000 files of newspapers from every part 
of the country, including Benjamin Frank- 
lin's Pennsylvania Gazette from 1739 to 
1763. The society has published eight 
volumes. In the extent of its library, the 
society is exceeded only by two of the 
eighty historical societies of the country 
— the Antiquarian Society, of Worcester, 
Mass., and the New York Historical So- 
ciety. By an extension of the Capitol, the 
society hopes to obtain — what it needs — 
better and larger accommodations. 

Rhode island historical society — 
On the evening of the 21st of March, a 
meeting was held at Providence, to take 
action in reference to the death of the 
Hon. Zachariah Allen, the President of 
the society. Addresses were made by 
Prof. William Gammell, Ex-Governor 
Hoppin, Bishop Clark, James N. Arnold, 
Hon. Chas. E. Carpenter, Judge Stiners, 
J. E. Lester, Esq., and a suitable minute 
was presented and adopted. Mr. Allen 
had reached the age of eighty-six years 
and six months, and had been a member 
of the society since 1822. He was one 
of the most prominent men in the State 
of Rhode Island, and had been distin- 
guished in many departments of life. He 
graduated at Brown University, studied 
both medicine and law, was the author of 
a number of books, especially upon 
science and mechanical philosophy, was 
a manufacturer widely known, and was 
universally honored and respected. 




at Cambridge, Mass., Saturday, March 
25th, in his 77th year. A notice of the 
Poet's relations to American History will 
appear in the next issue of the Magazine. 



Bureau of Ethnology to the Secre- 
tary of the Smithsonian Institution, 
1 879- 1 880. By J. W. Powell, Director. 
8vo, pp. xxxiii, 603. Washington : Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1881. 

This book is, necessarily, unfortunate in its ti- 
tle, which is almost repellent, suggesting, as the 
word "Report" does, some musty publication 
composed of dreary and comparatively worthless 
compositions, like those often run through more 
than one official press, simply to create a "job," 
and reflecting nothing beyond the calm incapacity 
of the projector. This, however, is a work of a 
very different kind, the bulky volume being filled 
with valuable and interesting material, reflecting 
wide study and investigation, and showing every- 
where an enthusiasm for scientific and antiquarian 
research seldom excelled. The report proper is 
confined to a few pages, the volume really being 
made up of what are called the "Accompanying 
Papers." " The Evolution of Language," which 
is the first in order, is by Mr. Powell, who 
also furnishes "A Sketch of the Mythology of 
the North American Indians," a paper on the 
" Wyandot Government," and a discussion relat- 
ing to "Limitations to the Use of some Anthro- 
pological Data." Dr. H. C. Yarrow presents 
" A Further Contribution to the Study of Mor- 
tuary Customs of the North American Indians," 
while "Studies in Central American Picture 
Writing" are presented by Prof. E. S. Holden. 
Mr. C. C. Boyce follows with a short article on 
'•Cessions of Lands by the Indian Tribes to the 
United States," and Col. Mallery with the " Sign 
Language among the North American Indians," 
occupying about three hundred pages. An "Il- 
lustration of the Method of recording Indian 
Languages" is presented in connection with the 
manuscripts of the Rev. J. O. Dorsey, Mr. A. S. 
Gatschet, and the Rev. S. R. Riggs. 

The article on Mortuary Customs is accompa- 
nied by no less than forty-seven illustrations, all 
of them good, and a number being handsome 
chromo-lithographs, which add greatly to the ap- 
pearance of the volume. The treatise on Sign Lan- 

guage has two hundred and fifty illustrations, and 
that on the Maya Hieroglyphics fourteen, several 
of which are double page. Indeed no pains or 
expense have been spared in producing this rich 
and elaborate volume. In itself it well nigh forms 
a library of aboriginal history and antiquities, the 
value of which cannot well be questioned ; since 
we must study the beginning of things, if we wish 
to know the probable end, as the voyage of life 
by any people must be calculated like that of a 
ship, whose course is governed by her departure. 
Ethnology is a science which makes known the ori- 
gin of races and peoples, and its study is a failure 
when the sources are not systematically searched 
for. There is a great deal of dust and rubbish to 
be dealt with in this connection, but the aim is 
not to admire the rubbish or adore the dust. The 
study of antiquity, when rightly understood, is a 
practical pursuit, and the intelligent student 
knows how to make the thought of the present 
rich by research in connection with the distant 
past. By such a publication the Smithsonian In- 
stitution justifies its name and foundation, offering, 
as it does, a contribution so eminently calculated 
to diffuse useful knowledge. 

In treating within a small space a work of this 
magnitude, however, and one combining so large 
a number of minute details, it would be useless 
to attempt anything like critical examination, es- 
pecially as some of the topics carry us into those 
remote and comparatively untrodden fields of in- 
vestigation where the authors themselves must, in 
the main, be the judges of their own perform- 

It may be remembered that in 1879 Congress 
abolished the various geographical and geological 
surveys, but provided for the continuance of 
anthropological work under the direction of the 
.Smithsonian Institution. This is the first report 
under that provision. The present plan of or- 
ganization contemplates the prosecution of re- 
search by the direct employment of scholars and 
specialists, and by inciting and guiding research 
conducted by co-operative workers throughout 
the country. It being held that sound anthropo- 
logical investigation must have its foundation in 
language, the results embodied in this volume are 
largely linguistic. The pifce de resistence, how- 
ever, is that on sign language, the Greeks. Chi- 
nese, Peruvians, Neapolitans, and others, being 
drawn upon in illustration of the subject in con- 
nection with the North American Indians. There 
is a separate treatment of signals, which are con- 
fined to those of the Indians, though it would be 
curious in this connection to notice some of those 
used by the Northmen when on the American 
coast in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and 
notice the agreement with those of the Eskimo 
when John Davis entered Greenland. In popu- 
lar interest, the reader will find the discussion of 
Mortuary Customs quite equal to that of the Sign 
Language, the subject being brilliantly illustrated. 



The volume, however, is so full of interest that it 
is almost invidious to particularize, for every de- 
partment shows much sincere and disinterested 
devotion and an enormous amount of patient 
hard work. In the preface Mr. Powell gives us 
a hint of what we may expect in future volumes 
for which the preparations are well advanced. 

Sketches of Some of its Early Preach- 
ers. By J. B. Hanigen. With illustrations 
and appendix. i6mo, pp, 294. J. B. LlP- 
pincott & Co. Philadelphia, 1880. 

The term Methodist was originally applied in 
England to a sect known as Anabaptists, as an 
epithet of derision. In the year 1829 a few young 
men, at Oxford University, lamenting the low 
condition into which the Church of England had 
sunk, and seeing that on every side the practice 
and precepts of the Gospel had fallen into des- 
uetude and contempt ; that the high places in 
the Church were held by men whose daily life and 
conversation was a scandal to their calling ; that 
the great ones of the state lived in open defiance 
of the rules of Christian morality and common 
decency ; that the masses of the people, ignorant, 
degraded, and poor, with no outlook for advance- 
ment, nothing to hope for but a life of privation 
and toil, hanging on the verge of starvation — 
turned to the study of the Sacred Scripture in 
the original tongues, endeavoring to find in the 
lofty sources of inspiration a remedy for the ills 
they felt themselves powerless, unaided, to correct. 
Their fellow-students revived the old term of re- 
proach and called them Methodists. That name, 
once significant of the scorn with which the feeble 
strivings of a despised few were viewed, is now the 
proudly borne title of one of the most numerous, 
influential, and powerful bodies of Christians, 
which has on the head roll of its apostles and lead- 
ers men whose genius, powers, and labors, though 
they have gone to their well-earned repose, are 
yet present to their followers and to Christians 
of all denominations. Among living members are 
included many whose deeds and examples show 
that the faith of their fathers has lost none of its 
vital force. This volume, full of information, 
and with a statistical appendix, must prove of 
interest and value to a circle of readers not 
limited to the Methodists alone. * 

MY COLLEGE DAYS. By Robert Tomes. 
i6mo, pp. 211. Harper & Brothers. 1880. 

Dr. Tomes in this pleasant little volume tells 
with spirit and vivacity the story of his student- 
life, from his early days at Columbia College 
Grammar School, where he sat at the feet of the 

late Professor Charles Anthon, so well known to 
generations of New Yorkers. He takes us to 
the most unclassical shades of Washington (now 
Trinity) College, Hartford, where he graduated. 
Resolved to pursue the study of medicine, he 
sought instruction in the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, and not satisfied with the opportunities of 
that school, crossed the water and took up his 
abode at Edinburgh, where he matriculated and 
took a degree. The book abounds with anecdotes 
of distinguished persons whom he there met and 
knew, and is piquant throughout with sallies of sly 
humor and kindly sarcasm, which has called forth 
vehement protest and remonstrance from parti- 
sans of Trinity College, and others who claim to 
be aggrieved or underrated from their own personal 
point of view. W. C. S. 

Genealogical Register. No. CXLI. Vol. 
XXXVI. January, 1882. Boston: 18 Somer- 
set Street. 

This publication now enters upon its thirty- 
sixth year under the editorship of Mr. John Ward 
Dean, Librarian of the society that brings it out. 
The Register is too well known to need any com- 
mendation, standing as it does in an unrivalled 
position and with a field peculiarly its own. The 
present number shows a varied table of contents 
and maintains its long-established character for 
interest and value. 


Subjects, contributed to the Annual 
Reports of the Smithsonian Institution 
from 1863 to 1877. By Charles Rau. 
8vo, pp. x, 169. Published by the Smith- 
sonian Institution. Washington, 1882. 

This publication contains articles treating of the 
Aboriginal Inhabitants of the California Penin- 
sula, Agricultural Implements of the Stone Period, 
Artificial Shell Deposits in New Jersey, Indian 
Pottery, Ancient Aboriginal Trade in North 
America in Metals, Stone, Shells, and Pearls, 
and many other topics. The student will be glad 
to have these valuable articles in their collected 

venson. 8vo, pp. 30. 

This monograph appears to have been printed 
at Washington, and is fully and handsomely illus- 
trated. It gives an interesting account of a curi- 
ous place and people in New Mexico, and is every 
way worthy of attention on the part of the anti- 

Xn£i ly H B.Hali & Sons, for Ma&azme ot i« 


Vol. VIII APRIL 1882 No. 4 


THE conclusion of such a work as the Memorial History of Boston may 
justify notice, it being of an exceptional character, and worthily 
rounding the quarter-millenary period. The last of the four sumptu- 
ous volumes dedicated to Boston's remarkable history possesses substan- 
tially the same features that characterize its fellows, combining elegant 
letter-press with interesting and valuable illustrations, the composition of 
the various monographs showing capacity, good taste, and full general 
knowledge, though there are some things to which exception may be taken. 
The work and the subject are almost equally unique, neither having any 
true prototype. 

For two hundred years, but more especially during the last century, 
Boston has been engaged in making up for neglected opportunities. 
Though modern in comparison with many cities of the old world, Bos- 
ton is not to be rated with any of the mushroom cities of the West that 
have proceeded with a bound from wigwam and log cabin to marble or 
brown stone. Boston has grown by slow and easy stages from the original 
thatched roof and wooden chimney to the massive, palatial fire-proof. The 
same is true of the mental and moral development, and much of the pro- 
gress has been made in the face of prejudice, stubbornly fought and con- 

Boston began with an enormous, but not useless, mistake. The early 
colonists separated themselves from the old world by a violent wrench, cast- 
ing aside its social life and religion, well-nigh turning their backs upon 
European civilization, and essaying in the new world something severely 
original. Their ideal was not realized, and the savage himself, who was 
driven from the peninsula of Shawmut, did not look with more regret to 

1 The Memorial History of Boston, including Suffolk County, Massachusetts, 1630- 1880. Edited 
by Justin Winsor, Librarian of Harvard University. In 4 volumes. Vol. IV. : The Last Hundred 
Years. Part II. Special topics. Issued under the business superintendence of the projector, Clar- 
ence F. Jewett. pps. 713. Boston : James R. Osgood & Co., 1881. 


the vanishing past than was exhibited by the old settler when contemplat- 
ing the ruins of his cherished plans. Nevertheless, the friends and followers 
of the first inhabitants built better than they knew, giving a fresh inter- 
pretation to European principles and ideas. Besides it was not long before 
they began to reach out toward the things that had been left behind. At 
the end of the first century, Boston had made some advancement, or at 
least unlearned much that it was needful to unlearn ; while during the last 
century the work of reconciliation with old hostile forces has been charac- 
terized with much success, so that to-day, in many respects, the people are 
nearly back to the point of departure. In fact, Boston is rapidly becoming 
in character a European city, deliberately adopting the most of those things 
that the founders cordially despised. A large portion of the fourth volume 
of the Memorial History is so much confession, even though it is not made 
with the frankness that would be justifiable. Of late the people have made 
great strides, the ease with which communication with the old world is main- 
tained contributing to the general result ; for there is a certain mean or av- 
erage toward which educated intelligence tends, in defiance of all vagaries. 
Prejudice sets up only temporary barriers in the way of healthy progress, 
and only for a time prevents the normal crystallization of society; and 
therefore, at the end of the next quarter-millenary of Boston, the histo- 
rian may discover more clearly than now, in the attempt of the early in- 
habitants to shape society according to their own notions, an analogy to 
that abortive force registered in flaws on quartz, the crystals of which, 
however, overcoming every abnormal tendency, take shape in obedience 
to a well-defined law. Society, like every mineral body, tends to assume a 
definite shape ; and not a few of the chapters in this volume which deals in 
" special topics" illustrate what is here laid down, showing as they do the 
men of Boston rising superior to the lower or secondary law, and engaged 
in a courageous struggle to rectify the mistakes of the fathers, and get 
abreast of that trans-atlantic world which the Congregational Non-conform- 
ists, unlike other classes of colonists, had resolved to leave behind. 

The first chapter deals with " Social life in Boston," and shows what the 
early worthies would characterize as the " decay," but which we may better 
call reconstruction. This had set in a hundred years ago, and is indicated 
even by so inconsiderable a thing as the prevalent " wig," for the people at 
large no longer considered the affectation of such an incumbrance a sin cal- 
culated to draw down the divine displeasure, but held that in dress and 
adornment they might reasonably follow the best examples found in civil- 
ized European countries. The outside of the head simply pointed to the 
progress of a revolution going on within. That the departures from the 


ideas of the early inhabitants were always for the best, it is not our business 
to prove. In seeking to get even with the old world they were not always 
wise, for with wigs they adopted some things more harmful and much more 
lasting. That, however, is not the fault of the Memorial History. We are 
only concerned with the fact, that the last hundred years has proved 
fruitful in practical dissent from the Elders of the Bay, who have been 
and are still being stoned by those who build their tombs. 

Following chapters treat of the topography of Boston, its industries, its 
importance as a manufacturing centre, of its canal and railroad enterprise and 
finance, the rise and progress of insurance, and of the trade, commerce and 
navigation. In these connections the founders of the city would discover 
little with which they would not incline to agree. The ancients were em- 
phatically men of business, and though we are taught in this volume that 
their aim in coming to the new world was the establishment of religion, a 
claim that no class of colonists failed to put in, they nevertheless made a 
business of business, and devoted their energies to thrift. The average 
" founder," too, would regard the modern map of the peninsula with a sat- 
isfaction little less than supreme, showing, as it does, how their descendants 
have added land to land, largely increasing the habitable area ; while the 
wise methods by which the people are now seeking to establish a supremacy 
in manufactures, transportation and trade, might go far, perhaps, to condone 
the sad falling off which they would find in other departments, if they could 
return to view once more the scene of their early attempts. They would be 
gratified also by an examination of the present educational system, though 
in the matter of public libraries they would not like to find thousands of 
youth, of both sexes, issuing forth from the elegant structures devoted to the 
preservation of books, with so large a proportion of novels under their arms, 
with scarcely a boy in town knowing even of the existence of the Westmin- 
ister Catechism. Still greater and more justifiable concern, perhaps, would 
be felt in considering " philosophic thought in Boston," though, possibly, 
such men as John Winthrop and his friends might feel slightly amused by 
rinding all the " philosophic thought" under a single class of hats. At 
all events, there are not a few moderns who, as they turn over the pages of 
the chapter in question, will smile at an exhibition which excludes an entire 
school of thinkers from the realm of thought. This is in the line of infinite 

" The women of Boston " are considered somewhat in the light of an ill- 
used class, being represented as without any particular influence from the time 
of the " persecution " until the dawn of the Revolution ; though Oldmixon 
is quoted as saying, that " a gentleman from London would almost think 


himself at home at Boston, when he observes the number of the people, their 
houses, their furniture, their tables, their dress and conversation, which is 
perhaps as showy as that of the most considerable tradesman in London." 
Women certainly had a part in all this, while they often turned up in not- 
able funeral sermons. During the Revolution, however, the women of 
Boston were prominent, and as time went on they became extravagant, 
being addicted to finery more than to culture ; and the caustic John Quincy 
Adams says, " Oh that our young ladies were as distinguished for the 
beauties of their minds as they now are for the charms of their persons ! 
But, alas ! too many of them are like a beautiful apple that is insipid to the 
taste." Young ladies and politicians, however, were pretty much alike 
when pictured by his sharp-nibbed pen. Yet Mrs. Cheney writes: " It is 
impossible to give any idea of the charms of Boston women in society. 
Many a foreign traveller has borne witness to it, and many old residents now 
love to recall the memory of those ' who made the world the feast it was' 
in their youth. But Boston women were then. eminently delicate and re- 
served, and little public record remains of their lives. Eliot, Lyman, 
Quincy, Sullivan, Amory, are names which at once call up visions of digni- 
fied womanly culture and poetic beauty. Miss Emily Marshall became 
more widely known than any other lady, simply for her social attractions," 
which is evident from the fact that "the hackmen " — for she does not 
appear to have kept a carriage — " were so spell-bound with admiration 
that they forgot to open the door." Of the late Mrs. Harrison Gray Otis 
it is said, that she was "less truly Bostonian in her manners. She had 
lived much abroad and learned the art of entertaining guests simply and 
agreeably." However exact the latter clause may be, she was a most 
charming and noteworthy woman, and exhibited the movement of Boston 
society as it drifted away from the old-time stiffness and reserve. 

The discussion of "The Drama in Boston" shows a sad return to the 
flesh-pots of Egypt, or at least of Europe, as the founders of Boston, like 
American Colonists in general, were not partial to the Player, who vilified 
colonial enterprise upon the London stage and performed the part of San- 
ballat. Yet their descendants have found the Drama toothsome, and incline 
to the opinion that "the play's the thing." In discussing Fine Art, the 
writer says that " A Puritan society was not favorable to art," and the 
whole chapter shows how, by degrees, the "Puritan" — or, however, as 
should have been said, the Non-conformist — idea gradually faded out of the 
public mind, the people naturally returning to the normal love of picture, 
symbol, and color. Early Boston was scarcely more favorable to music. 
Referring to the progress made, the writer says : " The whole movement, so 


to speak, is really included in the present century. Before the year 1800, 
all that bore the name of music in New England may be summed up in 
the various modifications of the one monotonous and barren type — the Pu- 
ritan Psalmody. Its history, quaint as it may be, is more interesting as 
one phase of the old Puritan life and manners, than as having any signifi- 
cant relation to the growth of music or of musical taste or knowledge here 
as such. . . . Music for us had to be imported from an older and richer 
soil." One nevertheless recognizes more clearly the growth of reconcilia- 
tion with a forsworn world beyond sea in the chapter on Architecture, 
and especially in connection with ecclesiastical architecture. Though affili- 
ating originally with the men who destroyed the abbeys and knocked down 
the carved work of the churches and cathedrals with axes and hammers, 
Boston has come to be one of the most pronounced fine-art loving cities 
in the world. In ecclesiastical architecture the advance has been made 
from the barn to the cathedral. Nothing is too ecclesiastical or too grand, 
and we may also say, too sensuous, for Boston now; and the founders would 
here find a rehabilitation of the old "idolatries," and see the abomination 
of desolation standing where it ought not to stand. The elaborate splen- 
dor of the New Trinity, superior to anything of the kind to be found on 
this continent, is not perhaps to be wondered at ; but with the " First 
Church," " Brattle Square," and the " New Old South," so delicately en- 
graved on the pages of the volume before us, it is quite another thing, rep- 
resenting as they do the exquisite Gothic of England and the almost equally 
pleasing style of the Lombards. But Italy and the North, even, do not 
satisfy Boston to-day, and all countries are searched in the quest for fine 
examples, by men who have descended in the direct line from the most 
famous and influential of the early non-conforming families. This shows a 
growth of religious opinion equally with aesthetic culture. Yet the writer 
on architecture, the progress of which in Boston has proved so triumphant, 
does not appear to realize very fully the significance of what is being wrought 
out in marble and brown stone. Indeed, the same remark appears applica- 
ble to many of the writers, who, while recording the changes, do not seem 
to feel that Boston has changed. Nevertheless the Memorial History is 
one continued confession of the mistakes of the fathers, whose children are 
laboring to undo these mistakes and put Boston in her true connection with 
the thought of the world. 

The chapter on Science shows the same desire for a new departure 
which was shown by the printer of a somewhat modern edition of Mather's 
11 Christian Philosopher," who expurgated its pages, and dropped a portion 
of the author's essay on " He Giveth Snow like Wool," while the essay on 


" Medicine," as most lay-folk will probably agree, points to a reformation 
which, in the best sense, is a reform. In the chapter on " The Bench and 
Bar," the opportunity for pointing out the first lawyers is not thoroughly 
improved ; though we are shown that the early processes were sometimes 
far from just. The author might have gone farther, for the days of Jeffrey 
himself must be searched for a parallel to some of the early processes that 
obtained in the Bay, where nothing was to be done " contrary to God's word," 
while the magistrate settled what constituted the "word." Nevertheless, 
with the incoming of pure, untrammelled English law a juster practice 
arose, and from the atmosphere of travesty and farce pervading the early 
courts the jurist passed to his present position, which is inferior to none, 
the purity of the Suffolk bench having become a proverb among all the 
people of the land. 

A study in horticulture lends an interest and charm to the Memorial 
History, though the venerable writer is wide of his mark in saying that 
the earliest account that we have of the fruits and flowers of New England 
is that by Winslow, in 162 1. Verrazano is certainly to be remembered 
here, together with Gosnold, Pring, Waymouth, and Davis, the author of 
the Popham Journal. As early as 1605, the grapes of Cape Cod were sent 
home in the form of a preserve for the King of France. 

The volume closes with a discussion of " The Charities of Boston," and 
it certainly cannot be denied, either by friend or foe, that these cover a 
multitude of sins. The beneficence of Boston has been felt by all classes of 
people and in the most remote recesses of the world. How often pity gave 
ere charity began, remains to be known. That the charitable organizations 
have not done their share to create the evil that they seek to cure, the author 
of the chapter does not try to prove. In one place he mentions a society 
called the " Associated Charities," but otherwise it does not appear from 
these pages that the managers of charities in Boston have made much 
improvement during the last hundred years, while the class known as 
" tramps " flourish around Boston as in other parts of the land. Boston now 
maintains its " Overseers of the Poor," as at the beginning, when every indi- 
vidual was known personally and no unworthy person could escape scrutiny. 
To-day, however, they are no longer " Overseers," in the spirit of the origi- 
nal institution, as they see nothing, except through other men's eyes. In 
the meanwhile, as in every other great city in the country, giving goes on, 
beggary and pauperism growing apace, there being no kind of loose living 
and no order of improvidence and shiftlessness that does not command a 
premium among "the charities" of Boston. This, unfortunately, forms 
part of that general movement toward a return to European life. 


There is, nevertheless, one idea of the founders for which the moderns, 
as yet, have evinced no particular liking, namely, the monarchial idea. 
This among the founders was somewhat pronounced, especially on those 
occasions when memory was jogged by the king. It was one of the few 
ideas of the old world that they brought with them into the wilderness. 
It was well voiced by Boston's favorite, John Cotton, who declared: " De- 
mocracy I do not conceive that ever God did ordain as a fit government 
either for Church or Commonwealth. If the people be governors, who shall 
be governed ? As for Monarchy and Aristocracy, they are both of them 
clearly approved and directed in the Scriptures." Indeed, the aristocratic 
idea prevails to some extent to-day, Boston, without doubt, being the most 
exclusive city in the Union ; the feeling at the same time being based upon 
something besides wealth, which in most other cities is the real foundation. 
Upon the w r hole, the Memorial History makes a fair exhibition. The re- 
sults of the two hundred and fifty years are not what the founders desired 
or anticipated. The early generations are practically rebuked by the 
people who praise them, yet the modern tendency, in the main, is in the 
line of true development and growth. What is needed is a continuance 
of the old local pride, without provincialism ; a watchful observation of ten- 
dencies, with reference to the elimination of things hurtful and false ; a 
more thorough combination, on the part of the solid men, to keep the name 
of the ward politician off the fore-front of institutions that should be under 
the exclusive guardianship of the best intelligence and the highest culture ; 
and the subordination of aesthetic taste and longings after material progress, 
to the desire for spiritual elevation and moral advancement. With due 
attention to these things, Boston will be in no danger of falling behind, or 
of losing her relative rank among the great cities that one day will cover 
this Continent. 



John Willi'am Draper was born in St. Helens, a village near Liverpool, 
England, May 5, 1811. His father was a minister of the Wesleyan con- 
nection, and possessed a great fondness for scientific culture and information, 
a taste which his son either inherited or early imbibed. The father was in 
the habit of amusing his leisure by observing the heavens through a Gre- 
gorian telescope, and on one occasion his little son, then scarcely more than 
six years of age, was permitted to look through it at some of the heavenly 
bodies. The view was to him a matter of absorbing interest. He at once re- 
solved to have such an instrument of his own, and proceeded to execute his 
determination to construct one like it. He has recorded his earnest, but 
almost infantile efforts, to realize his purpose — how he exchanged a valued 
toy with a young friend for a joint of elder from which the pith had been 
punched out, and, having thus obtained a tube, how he got a tinsmith to cut 
for him two circular pieces of polished tin to serve as reflectors, and then 
his disappointment at finding that the instrument would not work — certainly 
a remarkable instance of the early development of a taste which became 
both the charm and the labor of his maturer life, through all its changes, 
and to its latest hour. 

His early education was received from private instructors, among whom 
it seems not unlikely that his father may have borne a prominent part, and 
contributed to foster the taste for physical observation which his own fond- 
ness for such things had originally inspired. At eleven years of age he was 
sent to a Wesleyan connectional school, where, under the instruction of a 
somewhat distinguished American teacher, he made good progress in classics 
and mathematics. His success was so marked that he was one of those ap- 
pointed to address the conference which met at Leeds, in 1824. 

Though he seems to have drawn from this institution some useful disci- 
pline, and to have retained a very pleasant impression of its influence upon 
his intellectual culture, he remained in it but a few years, and was then with- 
drawn into private instruction again, till upon the opening of the London 
University, in 1829, he was sent thither to study chemistry, under Dr. 
Turner, then the most eminent chemist in England. 

This was probably only the recognition of the fact that his taste had be- 
come strongly developed in the direction of physical research. How long 
these studies were prosecuted under that distinguished teacher we have no 


means of knowing. There is no reason to doubt, however, that it was long 
enough to enable him to master the science of which he ever after showed 
such a command, both in its principles and its details, and of which he was 
at a later day to rank as one of the most distinguished ornaments. 

He had, while yet very young, been much struck by the sight of a glass 
jar containing some camphor, which, under exposure to light, crystallized 
in very beautiful forms on the illuminated side. This led him to read 
with avidity everything that he could find " relating to light adhesion and 
capillary attraction." He made many experiments upon these subjects, and 
it seems probably that it was during and after his intercourse with Dr. Turner, 
that this tendency to chemical investigation developed itself. It was prob- 
ably with these studies and researches that he was occupied during the 
period which elapsed between 1829, when he went up to London, and his 
emigration to this country in the year 1832. He had by this time accom- 
plished his chemical education, and looking forward to medical practice as 
his profession, he entered the University of Pennsylvania, from which insti- 
tution he received his degree of Doctor of Medicine in 1836. 

In his thesis for graduation he embodied an account of many of the ex- 
periments upon which he had for some years been engaged. " It was upon 
the passage of gases through various barriers not having visible pores, such 
as soap-bubbles. He showed that these transfusions take place as instanta- 
neously as if there were no obstacles in the way, and are attended by many 
curious phenomena." He devised an ingenious experiment for the purpose 
of demonstrating the transfusion. He would blow a bubble of shellac at the 
end of a glass tube, and pour into it through the tube a test liquor ; he 
would then insert it in an atmosphere of alkaline gas and witness the imme- 
diate change of color in the solution, which attested the presence of the gas 
within the bubble. This experiment, varied through many forms, clearly 
showed that the surrounding gas passes through the thin film of the con- 
taining substance and reaches immediately the contained solution. Similar 
changes moreover were also shown to take place through an animal mem- 
brane tied over the lower end of a tube containing a test liquor and im- 
mersed in a fluid. In these experiments the interstitial openings in the 
substance of an animal membrane were proved to operate like short tubes 
in which a fluid is drawn up by what we call capillary attraction ; and the 
process was shown to afford an explanation of the passage of carbonic acid 
outward, and of the oxygen of the air inward, through the membrane of the 
lungs. It illustrated thus what had been known as endosmosis, a process 
before inexplicable, and elucidated the method of the oxygenation of the 
blood— the cardinal fact in modern physiology. It is no wonder that so sug- 


gestive a paper, pregnant with germs of future discovery, received the un- 
usual honor of being published by the Faculty of the University, and gave 
to its author a prominence among the younger students of physiology that 
at once marked him out for future distinction in that department. 

The publication of some earlier papers during the period of his medical 
studies in Philadelphia had already drawn attention to the young chemist 
as an accomplished and enthusiastic student of that science, at a time when 
such students were few in America, and speedily secured his appointment 
as Professor of Chemistry and Physiology in Hampden Sidney College in 
Prince Edward County, Virginia. Thither he at once removed upon his 
graduation, to enter upon his work of study and instruction ; and under the 
stimulus of the distinction which his early efforts had so decisively won, he 
was now enabled, as he has said, " to convert experimental investigation, 
hitherto only an amusement, into the appropriate occupation of his life." 
The college is situated about eighty miles southwest of Richmond, and, like 
so many institutions in the South, in the open country, remote from any 
city or village. 

Among the long summers and the fervid temperature of this more 
Southern latitude, Dr. Draper found unwonted opportunities for pursuing 
his favorite work of observation and experiment. The luxuriant vegetable 
growth of that portion of our country afforded varied and fine illustration 
of botanical physiology, which immediately attracted his attention ; and 
such opportunities were quickly discerned by his intelligent glance, eagerly 
embraced, and profitably used. Dr. Draper has somewhere recorded his 
observations upon a wild grape-vine, of some two inches in diameter, which 
he cut off a few feet above the ground for the purpose of study, and the 
great interest with which he noted the sustained and powerful flow of sap 
which it continued to pour forth from the top of the stump. The force 
which impelled such a quantity of water from the ground through the trunk 
and branches, and to the uttermost fibre of the plant, was a subject of 
wonder and inquiry ; and in the suggestions which it furnished relative to 
the flow of sap through the plant, and of blood through the animal system, 
that wild Virginia vine may be said to have borne its most valuable and 
most abundant fruit. 

The publication in the scientific journals of our country of papers upon 
these and other topics of physiological importance, naturally drew the at- 
tention of the Council of the New York University to the accomplished and 
promising young investigator in Virginia, and he received all unexpectedly, 
in 1837, an invitation to the chair of Chemistry and Physiology in our Uni- 
versity. The appointment, I have been informed, was due to the kindly 


appreciation of a gentleman well known, as an enthusiastic student, and 
a writer whose works have had a wide circulation at home and abroad 
— Dr. Martyn Paine — who had been so much struck by the originality of 
the publications mentioned, that without any acquaintance with the author, 
or other certificate of merit, he urged, on these grounds alone, the appoint- 
ment of Dr. Draper as a colleague in the University of which he was him- 
self a Professor. The acceptance of the position was warmly urged upon 
him by the then newly elected Chancellor of the University, Mr. Freling- 
huysen, who promised that if Dr. Draper would accept his appointment, 
he himself would assume the chancellorship, and afford him all possible 
countenance and support in his work. 

Thus encouraged, Dr. Draper removed to New York and assumed, at 
first, labors in the college, while he gave his immediate attention, in con- 
nection with his friend Dr. Paine, to the organization of the Medical De- 
partment. This organization had been previously attempted, but had failed 
in consequence of the great financial embarrassments of that and the pre- 
ceding year. Dr. Draper infused into the effort all his own enthusiasm, 
and with the aid of these influential friends the work was soon accomplished. 
A faculty of eminent professors was drawn together, of whom Dr. Valentine 
Mott — then the most distinguished of American surgeons — was one ; and 
the work of medical instruction commenced with great ability, and in the 
use of methods previously unknown in this country. The Faculty of the 
University were the first to introduce into our medical education the now 
familiar method of clinical instruction which consists, it is hardly needful to 
say, in presenting before the class, patients whose cases are adapted to such 
modes of treatment, and showing in practical fact how diseases are to be 
discriminated and treated. The immense value of such instruction is now 
universally acknowledged ; insomuch that no medical institution can afford 
to be without it : but then it was a new and great advance. 

The introduction of these novel methods of instruction, in the hands of 
very able men, gave a great stimulus to medical education ; and whereas 
before the whole number of medical students in our city had been only 
fifty or sixty, the University began to graduate classes of one hundred and 
fifty, and New York soon became a great centre of medical instruction. 

In another great improvement of such education, some years later, Dr. 
Draper bore a prominent part — the legalization of dissections. It seems now 
almost an incredible thing to us that, previously to the time referred to, 
such dissections were illegal, and subjects had to be obtained literally by 
stealth. A bill was, however, prepared, and, by the agency of Dr. Draper 
and his colleagues of the medical faculty, presented to the Legislature, par- 


ticularly by Dr. Paine, who spent a great part of one session in Albany for 
that purpose ; and, after much difficulty, our present judiciously drawn bill 
became a law. Thenceforward the practice was disembarrassed of many 
difficulties. The scientific study of the anatomy and physiology of the 
human system, in the only way in which such a study is even possible, in- 
stead of a forbidden and disreputable pursuit, became a lawful and honor- 
able endeavor after knowledge of the highest usefulness, and the education 
of medical students was placed on a legitimate and firm foundation. 

Draper's residence in New York was distinguished by a continuous 
mental activity, applied without cessation to the subjects of his professional 
instruction. Year after year he improved his lectures, till at length they 
were ready for publication, and he gave to the world his two treatises, one 
upon chemistry and the other on human physiology. The former has 
been highly approved and widely used as a text-book by instructors in 
that department of science. The latter has attracted great attention as 
containing much that was original, and elucidating physiological principles 
with great ingenuity and success. True to his principles as a chemist, he 
was always explaining physiological phenomena by chemical combinations 
and reactions, and carrying chemical laws and affinities out to their extreme 
limits, regardless of the vital agencies to which others were wont to look 
for more immediate and easy, but less philosophical explanations. 

Meanwhile he prosecuted his work of experimental investigation with 
great assiduity. For this work he had a marvellous aptitude. His clear 
grasp of a scientific principle, together with his logical habit of thought, 
constantly suggested to him mechanical arrangements for apparatus by 
which to observe the working of physiological laws, and test the probability 
of physiological theories. His work on that subject offered many novel 
suggestions and many original views. Perhaps the most important of these 
was his explanation of the circulation of the blood-. This cardinal fact in 
physiological science he drew into relation with the circulation of sap in 
the plant, and explained as a result of capillary attraction. Of other ideas 
inculcated, I have not time to speak. His views on this subject have not, 
I believe, met with the general concurrence of investigators, and any 
opinion here on a subject which is still sub judice would be out of place. 

His views on these subjects rested on a great body of experiments 
which he had begun in his old home in Virginia, and had continued through 
many successive years. A description of these experiments — nearly a 
thousand in number — was published about 1 850, in a quarto volume of 
some five hundred pages, entitled "A Treatise on the Forces that Govern 
the Organization of Plants." 


This work has, unfortunately, been almost lost to the world. Soon after 
its publication, and while yet but about fifty copies had been issued, the 
whole edition, together with the stereotype plates from which it had been 
printed, was consumed by the great fire which burned down the establish- 
ment of the Messrs. Harper, the publishers. The expense of the volume 
had proved already so great that they were unwilling to incur the cost of a 
new edition, and the record of a long period of investigation and the results 
of nearly a thousand experiments were thus in great degree lost. 

Among the subjects which occupied Dr. Draper's attention during this 
early period of his residence in New York, were those in which he was en- 
gaged with Prof. Morse, the Telegraph and the Daguerreotype. Morse, at 
that time a professor in the University, lived in the building, and was in 
habits of intimacy Avith Draper which permitted him to visit familiarly the 
laboratory of trie latter, and to find guidance and help from him in his own 
experiments with reference to the possibility of constructing an electric tele- 
graph. Often they sat together, engaged in such inquiries and experiments, 
till a late hour of the night, and when the final and decisive moments came 
for determining the practicability of the result, it was with Draper's batter- 
ies and apparatus that the experiments were conducted which issued so 
triumphantly. Miles of wire were stretched through the ample halls of the 
University, and it was with Draper's suggestions and help that the practi- 
cability of the electric telegraph was demonstrated to all beholders, with a 
certainty that has made the name of Morse immortal. 

When Morse visited Paris, he became acquainted with Daguerre, the 
great inventor of the art that bears his name, who had then just sold the 
secret of his invention to the French Government for $20,000. He had 
recently published the pamphlet explaining his process, and he put a copy 
into his friend's hand just as Morse was leaving Paris for America. That 
pamphlet Morse brought at once to his friend Draper, who took up the 
subject and repeated the experiments with enthusiastic zeal. He had 
hoped that it would prove available for taking likenesses of the human face ; 
but the time required was so long — involving the necessity of maintaining 
a fixed position, under a powerful sunlight shining upon the face for nearly 
half an hour — that it was altogether impracticable. A French friend of 
Daguerre himself had expressed the opinion that such an achievement was 
well-nigh hopeless — " un peu fabuleux." 

Draper at once gave himself to the study of the subject, and soon found 
a means of removing the difficulty. He ascertained that an ammoniated 
solution of sulphate of copper would take out from the sunlight passing 
through it the chief portion of the rays especially obnoxious to the eye. 


Having constructed a screen containing between two large glass plates 
a somewhat thin film of the solution, he found that the sun's rays filtered 
through it were no longer so intolerable. He was thus enabled not only to 
avoid this difficulty, but even to employ a larger lens, and to concentrate a 
much more powerful light without offending the eye. Erelong the process 
was practically complete, and arranging his novel screen and taking his 
sister for a sitter, the first natural picture of a human face was imprinted 
under his hand, on a metallic plate, and the great desideratum was effec- 
tually attained. Thus the two great inventions which science and art have 
united to produce in our century — the one the most useful, and the other 
the most beautiful and delightful of the recent achievements of our progress 
— stand both indebted to him for their successful completion, and the Tele- 
graph and the Photograph will unite to convey to a late posterity the 
honored name of Draper. 

Another of Draper's successes in this department is worthy of notice — 
he was the first to photograph the surface of the moon. This achievement 
is usually attributed by foreign writers to the eminent British astronomer 
De La Rue, but De La Rue's photograph was not obtained till 1850, while 
it is upon record in the minutes of the New York Lyceum of Natural 
History that Dr. Draper exhibited such a picture at a meeting of that 
society held on March 25, 1840 — ten years earlier. This beginning of 
what has since grown to be a very beautiful branch of the science — Astro- 
nomical Photography — is unquestionably due to Draper's intelligent enter- 

One, however, of his discoveries is too important to be passed over 
without specific mention, viz., that relating to the behavior of solids in 
spectrum analysis. 

At a time one except Fraunhofer had investigated the phe- 
nomena of the spectrum, Dr. Draper took up the subject, and not only 
doubled the number of discovered lines, but ascertained that it is only the 
spectrum of a gaseous body that shows lines at all, while that of an incan- 
descent solid is absolutely continuous, that is, without transverse lines. 

This discovery has since been found to have an extraordinary scientific 
value. In observing the nebulae, and endeavoring to extend our knowledge 
of those remarkable bodies, it is found that there are many of them which 
our finest telescopes fail to resolve into distinct points of light. A doubt 
at once arises. Is this irresolvability owing to the defects of our best instru- 
ments, or is it due to the diffused and gaseous condition of the nebular matter 
itself? This question Dr. Draper's discovery gives us the means of an- 
swering. If the spectrum of an irresolvable nebula consists of transverse 


colored lines, it is a gaseous body that is burning before us ; if, on the 
other hand, it is continuous, the body is an incandescent solid. 

This beautiful and simple test affords our sole means of inferring the 
constitution of these remoter bodies of the universe, and informs us that 
while some of them consist of solid orbs, others are yet in the gaseous state 
— a conclusion which authenticates by physical observation the reasonings 
of La Place in his exposition of the nebular hypothesis. 

These varied inquiries, and these successful achievements, though ob- 
scured by the destruction of the volume referred to, could not be hidden 
from the knowledge of the world, and accordingly Dr. Draper received from 
the American Academy of Arts and Science at Boston, though not till after 
a number of years had elapsed, the Rumford gold medal in attestation of 
his merits. Only five times before has that medal been conferred during 
the century which has elapsed since the prize was instituted ; and in every 
one of these instances it was not strictly in the words of the. eminent founder 
of the prize, " for the most important discovery relating to light and heat,'' 
but rather for inventions of practical importance in the arts. 

In the present instance, however, there can be no doubt that the confer- 
ring of the medal was in the strictest accord with the terms of the grant. 
The award was made on grounds distinctly stated by the President of the 
society in bestowing it ; and the long list of discoveries in physics, then 
publicly recounted — too long for insertion here — bears ample testimony to 
the extent, the variety, and the general usefulness of these researches, and 
the patient and intelligent labor by which they had been achieved. It is 
perhaps the noblest list of original discoveries by which the name of any 
American scientist is distinguished. 

At this period of his career, Dr. Draper presented himself to the public 
in quite a new aspect, and surprised his previous readers with a work of a 
very different character from any of those which had preceded it. This 
was xt A History of the Intellectual Development of Europe." Having 
hitherto treated of man only as an individual, considered in his physical 
relations, and for the brief period of his organic life, he now assumed to 
discuss the social progress of mankind, throughout the whole period of 
history, and the whole development of civilization. His preceding works 
had been so strictly limited to purely scientific and experimental discus- 
sions, and his devotion to such inquiries had proved to be so fruitful, that 
it seemed as though his whole attention had been concentrated upon that 
department. Few, therefore, but his most intimate associates were prepared 
to expect, and still fewer to welcome, a work of so strangely different a 
character from his pen. The scope of it must necessarily be vast, the nature 


of its topics widely variant from those which he had already discussed ; the 
reasonings necessarily to a large degree controversial ; and the bearing of 
its conclusions upon the great realm of philosophy and theology, not to say 
of religion itself, in all probability questionable. 

But Dr. Draper had in reality long been meditating the production of 
such a work. He had expended no little care, reading, and reflection, upon 
the preparation of it ; and when the book was formally presented to the 
world, it very soon became evident that he had not overrated his ability to 
deal, in many important respects worthily, with his great theme. It was 
eagerly seized upon by a very large circle of readers, received most flatter- 
ing notices from many of the organs of public opinion — chiefly indeed of 
the advanced liberal class — was speedily translated into various languages of 
Europe, and penetrated more widely into the remote European populations, 
than probably any other philosophical work that has ever been written. 
He had spared no pains in the collection of authorities, sending abroad, at 
much expense and with great care, for those which he could not find here, 
collecting from a very wide range the incidents which illustrated his general 
views, laboriously verifying the details of his statements, and even copying, 
with endless toil, the passages which he might have occasion to use. From 
this large and vast mass of materials he first wrote out his work, which ran 
to a formidable and almost impracticable length. He next set himself the 
task of reducing it, and finally presented to the world a work of only mod- 
erate extent, but covering the whole period of European civilization, and 
dealing, not indeed with all, but certainly with most, of the great questions 
which have arisen within the period of its development. 

The great interest of the discussion so far as it is philosophical, arises 
from the fact that it regards European progress from a novel point of view, 
that of physical science ; and that in this respect it is handled by one who 
is theoretically and practically master of his subject, and who writes with 
entire freedom of thought, and frankness of utterance. 

The statement of the author himself that it is a •' physiological history " 
can hardly be deemed anything else than an exaggeration ; since it is 
scarcely possible to conceive of a history of such a subject, as in any strict 
sense physiological ; but a scientific history it certainly is. The author traces 
the development of European progress eminently in this great department. 
Beginning with the earliest development of physical science among the 
Greeks, he sketches its origin in the work of Alexander and of Aristotle ; 
its progress in the great scientific institutions of that monarch's celebrated 
museum at Alexandria; the great edifices constructed, the vast libraries 
collected by Ptolemy Philadelphus, the successor of Alexander, rich with 


all the wealth of Grecian thought and all the remains of Egyptian history. 
He describes the great schools and museums, for scientific study, furnished 
with varied and ample apparatus of astronomical observation, and gathering 
through the accumulations of successive generations all the instructive and 
precious remains of the knowledge of the past, and all the pregnant begin- 
nings of the science of the future. From this elevated point of attainment 
he shows the decline and fall of scientific investigation, the general degrada- 
tion of society through the paganization of religion under Constantine and 
his successors, toward the ages of barbarism that followed ; the depth of 
darkness that brooded over Europe, enveloping nations with their princes 
and people on the one side, and the Church, with its popes, councils, and 
prelates, on the other, in one common gloom ; the ruin of the great Asiatic 
and Egyptian civilizations under the resistless conquest of the Saracens, and 
the whelming of Africa and Spain under the same great invasion of Moham- 

He contrasts the noble and scientific beginnings of medicine under Hip- 
pocrates in 400 B.C., and his successors in the school of the Alexandrian 
Museum, their knowledge of anatomy, their practice of dissection, their ac- 
qaintance with the nerves, and even with the double function of the nerves, 
and their scientific treatment founded upon these facts with the profound 
ignorance of the Christian ages; with their miracle-cures, shrine-cures, and 

He describes the revival of medical, astronomical, and geographical 
knowledge, among the Arabs of Spain, through the Nestorians and Jews, 
and the rise of the promising and beautiful civilization of the Moors — their 
extended schools and their varied culture ; their elegant architecture, with 
its pleasure gardens, hydraulics and fountains ; their social life, amid many 
refinements ; their grand libraries and illuminated manuscripts ; their miles 
of streets paved and lighted, while Paris was in every rain an expanse of 
mud, and there was not in London for seven hundred years afterward a 
single lamp ; all these contrasts, so derogatory to Christianity, he pictures 
in full detail. 

' By the side of all this elegance and taste, he paints the grossness of the 
barbarism which had settled over Europe ; the filthy hair-shirt of the monk, 
instead of the washable and cleanly linen or muslin undergarments which 
we have derived from the Arabs ; the foul rush-covered floor of the baron's 
hall, in place of the tesselated and ornate pavement of the Moorish court ; 
the universal and dense ignorance, even of the Scriptures, instead of the 
schools attached to every mosque for the study of the Koran. In num- 
berless particulars, the low and debased life of Christendom is made to 


stand out in pitiless contrast with the refinement and culture of Arab 

But it is in the exhibition of the causes of these dreadful differences that 
the peculiarity of the book consists. Dr. Draper traces this degradation of 
social and moral life in a large and effective measure to the false and igno- 
rant ideas of religion to which — shall I say it ? — Christianity, either by its 
own influence, or by its combination with Oriental modes of thought, un- 
fortunately gave birth. 

Among these may be mentioned the unhappy superstition of an impend- 
ing, or — to use a more modern term — " an imminent" end of the world, 
which rendered the early Christians insensible to every appeal of patriotism 
to take their part in the secular labors and conflicts by which alone the in- 
tegrity of the State could be preserved against the attacks of the Northern 
barbarians. Another cause was the Oriental habit of placing religion in re- 
tirement and devotion, which withdrew multitudes from useful works of 
charity and benevolence to a selfish and secluded life in the desert. A 
third cause was the substitution of theological niceties of speculation — ex- 
pressing itself in endless hair-splitting of metaphysical subtleties — for the 
practice of piety ; and the fraudulent and corrupt management of councils, 
and manipulation of majorities, to secure what was deemed a right decision. 
A fourth was the reliance which soon began to be felt upon the civil arm 
for the vindication of religious doctrine, and the severe and cruel persecu- 
tions by which the adherents of the orthodox belief attempted to crush out 
heresy. It was largely these cruelties, banishments, confiscations, and sim- 
ilar wrongs, which led the Christian populations of Northern Africa to wel- 
come the Mohammedan invader, and to prefer his milder rule to the intol- 
erant bigotry of the orthodox Church. More even than to any of these the 
degradation and ruin of the early civilization was due to the simple over- 
powering weight of religious convictions, which deemed all secular knowl- 
edge poor and mean, in comparison with whatever related to the immortal 
destiny of the soul. The attention of believers was thus withdrawn from all 
study of nature, and concentrated upon purely spiritual objects, which with- 
out the wholesome counterbalance of secular thought completely overpow- 
ered the mind and destroyed all wise and free action. Nor must we forget 
the gross and monstrous frauds by which religious teachers stooped to im- 
pose upon their less intelligent brethren ; as when in the visit of the Em- 
press Helena — mother of Constantine — to Palestine, for the purpose of 
identifying the holy places, the three crosses of the Saviour and the two 
thieves were discovered in a vault, with Pilate's inscription, and the nails 
used in the crucifixion, the cross of our Lord being distinguished by its 


miracle-working power from the others, and, distributed in fragments, sold 
at a high price over all Europe, till enough of it was thus found to make 
a hundred crosses. These with winking and weeping images of the Virgin, 
and nodding statues of the Saints, corrupted the purer faith of the earlier 
days, and vulgarized it into other degradation. 

To such a remorseless exhibition, what shall we say ? Especially what 
shall the believer say, who holds Christianity to have been the saving ele- 
ment in the European history? Naturally, and justly, he will question the 
correctness, the fairness, of the representation. He will say that the philo- 
sophical form in which all this is taught, of an analogy between the develop- 
ment of society and that of the individual, through successive periods of 
credulity, faith, inquiry, scepticism, and decay, is fanciful, rather than 
philosophical, and carries with it little weight in the discussion ; and this 
objection will be found to be true. 

He will say, moreover, that the picture is exaggerated, the contrast is a 
forced and highly wrought one which but imperfectly conforms to the fact ; 
and this too he may affirm with reason and with confidence. 

He will say that the exhibition is one-sided and defective ; that it fails 
to exhibit some of the most interesting features of the Christian history 
and to conceive aright of the Christian sentiment and life ; and this too he 
would have good ground to maintain. 

But when all has been said that can be said to mitigate the harshness 
of the sketch, he will say that the painful picture has elements of truth in 
it which the distinctively Christian historians have not adequately brought 
out, and which it was important should be brought out into distinct recog- 
nition. He will feel that to-day, when shrine-cure, miracle-cure, and 
prayer-cure are again coming to the front, it was necessary that some im- 
pressive warning should be uttered against the superstitions which have 
been so mournfully influential in the past, in degrading the mind of the 
Church. He will feel that it is well to be reminded of the controlling 
power of spiritual convictions, and of the need which those have who cherish 
them of some effective counteraction by secular science to maintain the 
healthful and equal balance of the mind. He will rejoice that science has 
at length gained a position of strength from which it can never again be 
thrust down ; and will welcome its co-operation as an equal factor in all our 
systems and institutions of education for its happy and tranquillizing in- 

Of Dr. Draper's other works I have no time to speak. His " History 
of the Civil War in America" is a work in the preparation of which he had 
the peculiar advantage of receiving from the lips of the men who had been 



the actors in the great campaigns of the war, their own narratives of the 
movements which the history is to record. Stanton himself, the great war- 
minister, came to visit Draper, and spent days with him in his study, in the 
explanation of the policy and movements of the administration in which he 
had borne so large and conspicuous a part. It will long be read as an 
impartial and accurate account of the great struggle for the Union and for 

Of the " History of the Conflict between Science and Religion," but 
little can here be said. So far as it is an expansion of the views contained 
in the former work — the Intellectual Development, as the earlier part of 
it largely is — it is sufficiently covered by what has already been said. That 
portion of it which relates to the more recent progress of the dispute it 
would not perhaps be profitable to enter upon here, even if time allowed, a 
further discussion. 

The writer of such a history is apt to be betrayed into assuming a parti- 
san position, and advocating with undue haste and some bitterness — arising 
from the present stress of the controversy — the side to which he is inclined. 
While there are considerable difficulties yet to be cleared away before the 
controversy can be considered settled, there is every reason to believe that 
we are approaching a harmonious conclusion ; nor is it likely that that con- 
clusion will be hastened by a sustained blast of the war-trumpet, and a new 
defiance from either side. The eager scientist who recklessly assails the 
Scriptures, and the bigoted religionist who rejects all science, may set the 
battle in array against each other, but their renewed war-cries will only 
serve to prolong the conflict which both profess to deplore. Dr. Draper's 
position did not secure to him the judicial impartiality which alone could 
impart to such a work the highest usefulness. Hence, while a cautious 
criticism will not fail to find many views of great intellectual importance 
touching the progress of the controversy, it must deeply regret the miscon- 
ceptions of biblical truth to which his work has given currency, and the 
melancholy subversion of individual faith of which, in some instances, it has 
been the occasion. 

When the confidence and positiveness of science can be tempered with 
caution and modesty on the one side, and with some suitable appreciation 
of moral and spiritual truth on the other, we may have a history of the con- 
troversy which shall satisfy and convince ; but, judging from all that has yet 
been written, neither the time for such a history, nor the man, has yet 

Dr. Draper's religious views, of which it would interest us all to have a 
more definite knowledge, he was never forward to declare. He was always 


earnest in proclaiming his belief in a designing and intelligent mind, the 
Cause of Nature's phenomena, and the Author of her wise and elegant ad- 
justments. He recognized, too, the existence of a soul in man — a spiritual 
existence which survives the grave, and does not decay with the body or 
the brain. He was thus favorably distinguished from the bold atheism of 
Comte and Spencer, and the gross materialism of Buchner and Naquet. To 
what extent beyond this he accepted Christianity, I am not able to say, 
though he always manifested a respectful deference toward it in his out- 
ward demeanor. 

But now this fruitful and vigorous life was drawing to its close. Long 
and se\&ere toil had told upon the erect and sturdy frame that we all knew 
so well, and the overtasked brain that had worked with such steady per- 
severance was weary. Both called for rest. After months of pain and 
suffering, the end drew near. On the morning of January 4, 1882, in the 
home of his many labors, and in the arms of his beloved children, he sank 
unconscious, and rest came. 





Several important publications on American ethnology and lin- 
guistics have appeared since I wrote my first sketch on the families of 
languages disseminated over the Pacific coast. Manuscripts sent to the 
Smithsonian Institution, as early as 1856, from the coast of Oregon 
have, on close examination, yielded to me several new stocks, and to 
Mr. Stephen Powers alone is due the discovery of a language in North- 
ern California, and of another in the western valleys of Nevada, both 
entirely new to science. Powers' Tribes of California has cleared 
up the mutual relations existing between these aborigines. By shedding 
a flood of light on the habits, customs and languages, even of the most 
obscure of their number, and by giving the world a summary of his 
discoveries in a lucid linguistic map of California, he has done a most 
meritorious work, the value of which will be even more appreciated in 
later years than at the present time. The present article proposes to 
supplement my previous one with the most important results available 
for linguistic science from all recent sources. 

A lacune in our ethnologic knowledge of California still exists con- 
cerning the southwestern portion of the State, for we do not yet know 
with accuracy the ancient distribution and limits of the races, tribes 
and linguistic areas before their christianization by the Franciscan 
friars, who began to found missions among them shortly after the dis- 
solution of the Jesuit order in 1767. The indications left by the 
missionary Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta will certainly help us in disen- 
tangling this ethnologic and linguistic maze. That this labyrinth can 
become disentangled is an opinion, in which Alphonse Pinart, who 
lately explored these portions of territory, fully concurs. 

From De la Cuesta's information, we gather the important facts, 
that the dialect known as Esselen or Eslen was identical with the Huelel 
of La Soledad Mission, and that the Karkin Indians, inhabiting the 
Straits of Carquines, also spoke a dialect of the same family, which we 
have called Mutsun. Another dialect of this family was heard in the 
rancheria or settlement of Saclan, and a Mutsun dialect, almost iden- 


ticai with that of San Juan Bautista, was spoken in the rancheria of 
Tuichun. In fact, dialects of Mutsim extended from the Pacific coast 
across the whole of California up to the Sierra Nevada, for the idioms 
spoken by Powers' Miwok tribes are Mutsun also. 

An harmonious and vocalic Wintiin dialect was or is spoken by the 
Suisun Indians on the northern side of the Bay of San Francisco. At 
the mission of San Juan Bautista, originally inhabited by Mozones or 
Mocones or Mutsunes, we also find a colony of the Ydkuts race and lan- 
guage, called Nopthrinthres, perhaps brought there by the missionaries. 
Another Yokuts dialect obtained by him is that of the Lathru-unum. 

The vocabulary taken by the Padre at the mission of San Luis Obispo 
differs largely from San Antonio and Santa Barbara, but agrees with 
the Obispo terms printed in Transactions of American Ethnologic 
Society, vol. li. (1848). 

Chimariko. — As far as we can judge from the two hundred words 
obtained by Stephen Powers, this almost extinct tribe spoke an idiom 
which constitutes a linguistic family for itself. Its habitat is on the 
east branch of Trinity River, while the cognate, but extinct Chimalakwe 
was spoken on one of its tributaries, called New River. The language 
is vocalic ; initial and medial syllables mostly end in vowels, but not 
final syllables. The numeral system is quinary, but, unlike that of the 
neighboring Pomo-Chimariko, shows some analogy with Wintun, with 
its northern dialects at least, by forming its plural in the same manner: 
tchimaritat, people ; hupo-lechet, toes (hupo, foot); hushot, eyes, cf. 
Wintun; matat, ears; tumut, eyes; semut, fingers. Some resemblances 
may be traced also in the radicals of both idioms, as in Ch. tchelit, 
black ; cf. W. tchololet, black ; but they are too scanty to prove affinity. 

WASHO. — This Nevada race, much reduced in numbers by contests 
with other Indians, once extended from Honey Lake to the southern 
shores of Lake Tahoe, the modern city of Reno, on the Central Pacific 
Railroad, forming almost the centre of their ancient habitat. In pho- 
netics this language shows analogy with some Shoshoni dialects, by its 
tendency to nasalizing; talung, neck; hanga, month. The primary 
vowels a, i, u largely predominate over the others, and ai, au seem to 
be the only dipthongs. The area of the Washo language borders to 
the west on the Maidu, and Stephen Powers gives the following instances 
of analogy with the neighboring Pit River language: itsa, tooth; kuki'is, 
chest, breast, cf. Washo, ts&tsa, tooth ; tsikogus, chest. 

Passing north into the vast timber and sage-brush lands, drained by 



the Columbia river and other rivers running west of the coast range, 
we perceive that Oregon is almost as rich in linguistic areas as California. 
During my Oregonian trip, made in 1877, I obtained a list of 
words belonging to an idiom spoken on the State border, near Crescent 
City, CaL, on the Pacific coast, which was given to me as Shasti. Pho- 
netically, as well as radically, it differed so much from the Shasti spoken 
on the Klamath river (and at the same time from Tinne and all the 
neighboring stocks), that I could only after a long study identify it 
with the western Shasti dialects. A tribe called Shasti Scoton is now 
settled on the Silitz reservation. On the same trip I also obtained a 
full classification of the dialects of the Kalapuya family of Willamet 
valley, which is as follows: 1. Atfalati (or Jualati, Wapatu), originally 
on Wapatu Lake, near Gaston, west of Portland City ; 2. Yamhill, on 
the two Yamhill Creeks ; 3. Lukamayuk, on Lukamiute Creek; 4. Kala- 
puya proper, north of the Kalapuya Mountains, and west of the Wil- 
lamet River; 5. Ahantchuyuk or Pudding River .Indians, on Pudding 
River, and in French Prairie, east side of the valley ; 6. Santiam (or 
Ahalpam " Uplanders "), on the lower banks of the two Santiam 
Creeks, their upper course being held by the Santiam-Molale ; 7. Ayan- 
keld (or Yonkalla), on the headwaters of Umpqua River. The dialects 
of Kalapuya differ but little among themselves, with the exception of 
that of the Ayankeld, which is almost unintelligible to the others. 

It is strange that no traveler of scientific attainments has ever 
visited and sketched the Indian tribes of the Oregonian coast. That 
they are warlike, great quarrelers end exceedingly superstitious may 
be gathered from the early reports of the Commissioners of Indian 
Affairs. Of the languages spoken between the southern limits of the 
Selish stock (Jillamuk, Nehelim and Nestucca l are the Oregonian dia- 
lects of Selish) and the Tinne of Rogue and Smith Rivers, only one, 
the Yakon, was known to exist. 2 The majority of the coast Indians are 
now gathered at the Siletz reservation. Of the four linguistic families 
described below, and of each of their seven dialects, of which we have 
knowledge, I have published thirty-one terms in " Globus" Zeitschrift 
fur Lander und Voelkerkunde, vol. xxxv., pp. 167, 168 (year 1879). 

Yakona. — Dialects of Yakona, Yacon or Yakina are spoken by the 
coast Indians living between Cape Foulweather and Cape Perpetua, and 
up the Alseya and Yakona (Yaquina) Rivers. Though there are prob- 
ably a multitude of dialects, we know at present of two only, the 
Yakona and the Alseya, spoken by tribes of the respective names, and 


mutually not intelligible, for they differ about as much as German does 
from Scandinavian. Phonetically, both dialects are lacking the sounds 
f, v and r, but possess the lingual s (or thl) and the guttural aspirate, and 
most of their nouns emphasize the penultima. Alseya seems some- 
what more consonantic than Yakona. The prefixed personal pronoun 
my is tsi-, tsin-, same as in Kalapuya ; the numerals do not follow the 
quinary system of counting, four being made up with the elements of 
two. The Alseya call their own country Niahamtak. 

Sayuskla. — Dialects of this stock are spoken on Lower Umpqua 
River, about twenty miles up from its outlet, north of it along the 
coast to Cape Perpetua, and on the Sayuskla and Smith Rivers. Sin- 
slaw is a very common, but false orthography of this name, the true 
form of which seems to be Sayustkla (Horace Hale). Katlawatchat (or 
Kiliwatshat, Kalawatset) is the name of the tribe living at the outlet 
of Umpqua River, while the Sayuskla tribe lives on Sayuskla River. 
The language is decidedly more vocalic than that of the Yakona dia- 
lects ; radically it differs from them in the important series of the parts 
of the animal body, of the colors and of the numerals, though the latter 
do not represent the quinary system, no more than they do in the 
Yakona, eight and four being made up of the elements of two ; ha-atso, 
two; ha-atsun, four ; Za-atsohaut, eight. But there is a strong radical 
coincidence with the Yakona family in the names of the seasons, in 
some meteorologic terms, and in a few other terms which might per- 
haps be loan words only. Affinity of the two groups does not seem to 
be altogether out of the question, but of both a more critical and 
voluminous material must be submitted, laid down in a sedentific 
alphabet, before an ultimate decision can be given. Some of the color 
adjectives are formed by syllabic reduplication. 

Kljsa is spoken in various dialects, differing but little among them- 
selves, on Coos River and Coos Bay, and Horace Hale gives also the 
forms Ka-us and Kwokwo-os for the tribal name. According to Dr. T. 
T. Milhau, the Kowes Indians numbered, in 1856, about 300 souls, 
and called themselves Anasitch. Syllables terminate in consonants ; 
they also begin with consonants, for initial vowels are rather excep- 
tional, and seem to be prefixes or parts of such. The numeration sys- 
tem is the quatornary one. 

Takilma. — A number of dialects are spoken on Lower Rogue River 
and vicinity, and the specimen of two dialects before me prove them to 
belong to the same family. The tribe which converses in one of these 


is called Jakilma by Dr. Hazen, who has furnished a collection of words, 
and although the other dialect differs not inconsiderably, both seem 
mutually intelligible. The numeral series follows the qninary system, 
but none of the color names show a trace of syllabic reduplication, 
which is so frequently met with in the color adjectives of the interior of 
Oregon. Phonetically, Takilma is more sonorous, or, at least, more vo- 
calic than Kusa, a large majority of syllables closing in vowels. 

In my last article I did not treat of the languages spoken by the 
Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. They cannot be classed among the 
idioms of the Pacific States, for New Mexico physically belongs to the 
drainage basin of the Gulf of Mexico, and its idioms differ in many par- 
ticulars from what we observe in the languages of the Western slope. 
Nevertheless, an opportunity offers itself here to discuss them. 

Long ago Pueblo Indians and the singular, unique structure of their 
dwellings had become an object of historical speculation. Mexicans 
and Anglo-Americans, contemplating with awe the greatness and power 
of the Atzec empire, and the artistic achievements of this wonderful, 
but thoroughly barbaric race, which had become more cultured only 
through contact with the Toltic civilization, have filled volumes 
with theories upon the location of the " seven caves," the legendary 
cradle of this people. This locality, like the home of the Chichimecs 
and most other American nations, was reported to lie to the north of 
Mexico ; reasons sufficient for these authors to locate it among the New 
Mexican Pueblos, the only civilized Indians ever met with in olden 
times in North America, outside of the Mexican territory. 

Now what have the Aztecs in common with the Pueblo Indians 
of New Mexico ? They lived in houses built of mud or stone and were 
agriculturists ; that is all. The oldest, and, therefore, the most important, 
characteristics of a people, race and language, are far from being com- 
mon to both, and even secondary and more recent characteristics, as 
implements, manners, customs, laws, government, religions, beliefs, wor- 
ship and traditions, have not been shown to be identical in both. The 
languages of New Mexico further prove, that the people speaking them 
consists of three distinct races, or oi four, should we add the Moqui Pue- 
blos of Arizona. Now as the Aztecs cannot be related to all four, to 
which one could they be akin ? The following expose of the New Mex- 
ican linguistic families will show better than anything else the hollow- 
ness of similar theories : 

Rio Grande Pueblo. — This family of idioms is almost exclusively 


confined to the valley of the Rio Grande del Norte, extending through 
the valleys of a few of its tributaries only. It seems to have stretched 
formerly far south into the Mexican and Texan territories, but we know 
of no northern limit than the one given by the Taos language. All the 
Rio Grande idioms have borrowed a few terms from Shoshoni lan- 
guages, though these did not alter in the least the physiognomy of the 
five Pueblo dialects sketched below. These are mutually unintelligible, 
but have many peculiarities in common, which are as follows : 

Their words are usually short and the idioms have a general ten- 
dency towards brevity of forms ; the words are frequently obscured 
by nasalization. They have in common the sound f and several deriv- 
ational suffixes, the demonstrative pronoun na used as a definite article, 
and another demonstrative pronoun or particle, -e, -e, -a, which is always 
suffixed and emphasized. Aztec shows none of these particulars, and 
Aztec words often show a complexity the length of which has become 
almost proverbial. 

They have in common many terms for concrete objects, as for the 
parts of the human body, some meteorological terms, and the first five 
numerals, but differ considerably in their color adjectives. 

TaoSy the northernmost of the Rio Grande dialects, is spoken by the 
Taos or Takhe, who are mixed with Picuris and Apaches ; it is more 
closely related to Tailo than to the rest of these dialects. Pueblos ; 
Taos and Ticori. 

TafiOy spoken by the inhabitants of Isleta, of Isleta del Paso, and of 
Sandia. Tehua, or Tewa (tehua means house), is the dialect, of which we 
possess some grammatic knowledge through the labors of Dr. Oscar 
Loew ; sub-dialects of it are heard in the pueblos (or adobe villages) of 
Tesuque, San Ildefonso, Nambe, San Juan, or Ochi, Santa Clara, Pojo- 
aque, Los Luceros, and in the Tehua village on one of the Moqui 
mesas. Temes, on Temes River (a western affluent of the Rio Grande), 
consolidated with Indians from Old Pecos. The Temes Indians call 
their pueblo Walatoa. Piro, spoken by the Indians of Sinecu, or Sinicu, 
a few miles below El Paso del Norte. This dialect has no gutteral 
aspirates, and a few nasalized vowels only, a circumstance which is 
attributed by Mr. J. R. Bartlett, who took an unpublished vocabulary 
there, to the habit of conversing in Spanish. It possesses a sound which 
is written Jir by him. Through the addition of the emphasized e all 
terms of the vocabulary become oxytonized. 

Kera. — The dialects of this family are spoken west of the Rio 


Grande, on San Juan River and its tributaries; nowhere but at San 
Domingo Kera Indians have settled east of the Rio Grande. The 
•pueblos of this family are : The Kawaiko pueblos on the San Juan 
River: Laguna, 3 Acoma, Hasatch, Povuate, Moquino ; the Kera or 
Queres pueblos on or near the Rio Grande, northeast of the Kawaiko 
pueblos : Santa Ana and Cia, both on Temes river, Silla or Tsea, San 
Felipe, San Domingo, Cochiti. To judge from the specimens, these 
dialects do not differ much among themselves, so as to be mutually 
intelligible. The phonetics differ entirely from those of the Rio 
Grande idioms. 

Kera abounds in sibilants, gutturals and aspirants (h), but lacks b, d, f , 
1 and, we may add, r, the latter sound almost entirely wanting. Words 
and sylables frequently end in -m, -n, tch, -t. The language possesses 
a dual in the noun and in the verb. Affinity of Kera with Aztec or any 
other Nahuatl idiom is out of the question. 

Zuni. — This is spoken in the Zunu pueblos, located near the bound- 
ary of New Mexico and Arizona. Many ruined towns are found in the 
vicinity, Zuni and Ojo de Pescado on Zuni River, a tributary of the 
Colorado Choquito, and El Moro, east of them, being the only ones 
inhabited now. All words of this language end in vowels, and 
many of them are largely polysyllabic. In this they differ from the 
language of the Rio Grande Pueblos, as well as in their quinary system 
of numeration. The Zuni language kept itself remarkably free of the 
intrusion of Shoshoni elements. 

Moqui. — The Moqui or Moki towns of Arizona are speaking a Sho- 
shoni (or Numa) language ; this fact can be regarded now as certain, 
being fully evidenced by a number of vocabularies recently obtained. 
But the great diversity of their language from Pai-Uta, Uta and the 
California!! branch of Shoshoni, proves that the Moki seceded from the 
main stock many centuries ago. Moki is only a nick-name given to one 
of their towns, which had declined to give battle to some enemy ; it 
means " dead," in the sense of " cadaverous, stinking." The people 
calls itself Shinumo. The language being of the Shoshoni stock, I have 
no need to present its peculiarities. I conclude by giving the names of 
their pueblos erected on four high mesas or bluffs formed by erosion. 
On the northeastern mesa lie Tsitumovi, Hualvi (also called Obiki) and 
a Tehua or Tewa pueblo; on another mesa, south of this, are Mushan- 
ganevi and Shebaulavi ; southwest of this, Shongopavi, on a third mesa; 
and on the westernmost lies Oraivi, containing about one half of the 
whole Moke population of 1,790 souls. 



To establish linguistic families from the dialectic material on hand 
is sometimes an easy, sometimes a difficult task. Success depends as 
well on the correctness and fullness of the material, as on the ethnologic 
and linguistic knowledge of the investigator. All historic and senti- 
mental bias of every description must be entirely got rid of in making 
inquiries of this character. 

To establish distinct families of languages is tantamount not only to 
establishing the ancient state of nationalities, but of racial discrepancies 
among tribes. Radical difference in language always proves an original 
diversity, more or less strong, of bodily constitution ; but, on the other 
side, racial difference is not, empirically speaking, always accompanied 
by radical linguistic diversity. There are rare instances recorded in his- 
tory where one race was forced or prevailed upon to adopt the language 
of another. The disparity of linguistic families shows conclusively, 
that the respective tribes or nations have formed their idioms in coun- 
tries distant from each other, and in most instances, widely distant, 
isolated from each other and in mutual ignorance of each other Thus 
the Yuchi tribe, whose ancient habitat is the country extending between 
the Chatahutchi and the Savannah Rivers, viz., the central parts of 
Georgia, were always regarded as a peculiar people by the Maskoki 
surrounding them ; their language entirely differs from the Maskoki 
idiom, and if the national legend of the latter tribe, which pretends that 
they were originally Trans-Mississippians, has any foundation in fact, it 
would form an argument to prove that the Yuchi inhabited the Gulf 
territories east of the Mississippi long before the Maskoki. If this was 
so, the Yuchi then probably occupied a much larger area of territory 
than they did in the eighteenth century. 

Wherever we see linquistic families covering a small area only, we 
are entitled to assume that the people speaking them resisted with suc- 
cess, through the course of centuries, wars, inroads, famine and other 
disturbances which have exterminated many other communities. Must 
we ascribe the large number of these families on the Western slope to 
a more peaceable disposition of the coast tribes, because they lived on 
fish rather than on game, or is the cause of it the protection afforded by 
high-towering mountain ridges? For both causes reasons 'can be 
adduced, and many other causes may have operated also. 

A comparative study of the languages and dialects of a country 
leads to inquiries into the radical portion of the idioms compared. To 
trace the derivation of a word, is to trace its history and that of the 


ideas which became connected with it in the lapse of centuries. We 
are brought to distinguish between loan words borrowed from other 
idioms and words pertaining to the language itself. Loan words are 
most important for tracing international commerce, social intercourse, 
the spread of certain ideas concerning law, philosophy, religion, art 
and science. The loan words from Sanscrit and Zend discovered in 
Genesis and other Hebrew texts of Scripture have proved the existence 
of commercial relations between the Hebrews and the coasts of Persia 
and India. A large number of loan words in the Latin language, of 
which we mention alauda, tenca, lar, lucumo, classis, gubernare, pulcher, 
purpur, burgum, ambactus, tunica, ambubaia, show conclusively that 
there existed in historic and prehistoric times connections of the people 
of the Latmm with the Gauls, Etruscans, Greeks, Germans and Semites. 
Discoveries comparable to these will be made concerning Indian inter- 
tribal commerce, as soon as our scientists can be brought at last to 
comprehend the importance of these researches. 

Linguistic studies undertaken for the purpose of advancing ethno- 
graphic knowledge may bring forth results not less important. The 
curious fact that sun, moon and month are called by the same term in 
many, if not in the majority of Indian languages, must raise within us 
the query, " Why is this so? " The Timucua term for the moon is acu- 
hiba, " the one who tells." In the Klamath language of southwestern 
Oregon sun and moon is shapash, " the indicator" and here the moon 
has another name besides, ukaukosh, "the broken one, the one going to 
pieces ; " in Klamath myths the Moon is the Sun's son. Analogous to 
this " indicator of time " is the English moon, originally man, the " meas- 
uring one," the measurer of time. 

No less instructive for historic ethnology are the terms for woman. 
In English both wife and woman (wip and wip-man in Anglo-Saxon) 
mean " the weaver, the weaving person," the latter being merely a 
compound of the former ; originally wife had no reference to the 
married state. The Latin femina, the Greek gyne have reference to 
child-bearing, but in the Pit River language wife is telume, iteluma, 
" the worker," from italurai, to work ; in the Ara or Karok language on 
the Klamath River, Northern California, woman and wife is ashiktawa, 
"the carrier;" in the Klamath of Oregon woman and wife, in the sin- 
gular number, is snawedshash, "adorned with neckwear." Not devoid 
of signification is the circumstance that in many western languages the 
same word is used for wife and woman. 



Similar inferences on ancient customs and ideas of our Indians can 
be drawn from the fact, that in some of their languages a chief means 
rich; a wigwam, intertwining (of branches or sticks) ; tobacco, an inter- 
mixture, commingling, and that meat is sometimes called after the deer, 
while at other times it is found to be a derivative of the verb to boil. I 
conclude this article by calling attention to the mode by which reli- 
gious ideas were formed, and religious worship inaugurated, among 
some ancient nations, through the constant use of certain epithets given 
to elementary powers of nature. 


Note. — The foregoing article is a sequel to the author's article on the Indian Languages 
of the Pacific States and Territories, published in the Magazine of American History, March, 
1877. [r, 145.] A. S. G. 

1 The Nestucca call themselves Ja-ga-hosh. 

2 Horatio Hale's Ethnology and Philology of the U. S. Exploring Expedition, Philadelphia, 

3 The inhabitants of Lagune call themselves Sitsime ; the Indian name of the pueblo of Santa 
Ana is Tomiya, that of San Felipe, Kalistcha, 



Among the New England fathers who laid the foundations of our Repub- 
lic was one who bore the unfamiliar name which stands at the head of this 
paper. Certain peculiarities of temperament, rather than of character, 
seem to have made him unattractive to contemporary recorders, and what 
appears that concerns him in later history is fragmentary and more or less 
tinged with prejudice and error. In justice to his memory, we have taken 
some pains to gather within a brief and fair narrative the strangely meagre 
accounts of his career. 

Roger Ludlowe was a resident of Dorchester, Dorsetshire, England, 
when history with briefest ceremony in the year 1629 introduced him to 
American affairs. His age then was not far from forty. He was a lawyer 
by profession, and, it is said, was of noble lineage. 1 His religious and 
social standing are indicated from his being chosen as an Assistant of the 
Massachusetts Bay Company. This company paid ,£15,000 for its charter, 
and was the first corporation receiving royal sanction to operate in New 
England, being made up of men who, like Ludlowe, represented the best 
Non-conforming element. On the 20th of March, 1630, the company 
ventured its first ship — the Mary and John — with one hundred and forty 
souls, for New England. This ship is described as " Mr. Ludlowe's vessel." 
The voyage ended May 30th, on the coast of Massachusetts, at Nantasket, 
and Ludlowe promptly secured a favorable site for a settlement up the 
Charles River, which, in touching old-home reference, he called Dorchester. 

On the 23d of August the company held its first Court of Assistants, and 
appointed Ludlowe leading member of the Corps of Magistrates. In the 
spring of 1632, Captain John Mason came over, and at once attached 
himself to Ludlowe's settlement. Here we have a remarkable trio — Endi- 
cott, Mason, Ludlowe ! It is a suggestive fact, that this companionship, 
if not intimacy, was never interrupted by those family jars which Ludlowe 
was inclined to create. 

It was at the second General Court, where a discussion arose in regard 
to some new election regulations, which he suspected had been made be- 
forehand — after the manner of the modern caucus — that Ludlowe's impetu- 
ous personality began to show itself; for, as is recorded, "he thereupon 
grew into passion and said then we should have no government, continued 


stiff in his opinions, and though the matter was cleared in the judgment of 
the rest, protested he would then return to England " (Winthrop i., 158). 

Ludlowe possessed a large intellect, but little self-control. England's 
Universities had thoroughly trained him in the manual of letters ; he was 
especially well drilled in jurisprudence, and brought to the chaotic Colonies 
clearly defined notions of legislative polity. Stirring and brave, he was 
equally ready to avert danger by expedient, or face it by intrepid action. In 
these essentials no one of his associates was better equipped to confront the 
stern problems of the times. But, on the other hand, he was self-willed, 
and often self-asserting to a repelling degree. He utterly wanted the suavi- 
ter in modo* or the unruffled affability especially demanded of a popular 
man of affairs. Instead of objecting with consideration, he opposed with 
effrontery : his persistence made enemies, when repression would have won 
friends. Thus, at the critical moment, when loss of balance meant the up- 
setting of well-digested plans, his oft-time infirmities of temper would out- 
weigh the product of a keen, comprehensive mind, and men of less natural 
force, but greater self-control, would secure popular favor and master the 
situation. He, himself, was the sentinel that opened the door for the enemy. 

Ambitious, he ever aspired to the first place ; and when, in 1634, Haynes 
was elected Governor, himself being Deputy, he protested that "the elec- 
tion was void for that the representatives had agreed upon the matter 
before they came ; " and his frequent dictation to the General Court during 
the year became so obnoxious that, at the expiration of his term of office, 
his name was stricken from the roll of Assistants and the Company alto- 
gether. In this latter misery he had whatever consolation there was in 
congenial company. Endicott, his brother-in-law, was also at this time 
deprived of his office, his offence being the notable one of cutting the cross 
from the royal banner. 

In 1635, Ludlowe, bristling with new projects, organized a company to 
settle in Connecticut ; and in March was appointed by the Bay Company, 
who still recognized his abilities, one of a " Commission to govern the 
people of Connecticut for the space of a year now next coming." On the 
15th of October — the pleasant month when New England pays her homage 
to the Eastern world by donning an Oriental costume — Ludlowe's com- 
pany, of about threescore, began the journey to the Connecticut, or 
Fresh River. The distance was one hundred miles. They were to 
traverse a region that for unknown centuries had whispered its secrets only 
to the heathen, and now reluctantly revealed them to Christian importunity. 
But the compass pointed an unerring line of march ; the axe laid low the 
defiant tree, whose prostrate body then bridged the swollen stream. 


Neither river nor mountain, tangled thicket nor treacherous swamp, stayed 
the pilgrimage of this stern people. It was a journey of curiously mingled 
light and shade. The solemn visage, the peaked hat, and sober garb con- 
trasted quaintly with the bright hues and buoyant air of autumn ; the sad 
gown but rosy face of the Puritan damsel were fitting accompaniments of 
russet and crimson foliage, song and plumage of wondering birds ; and as 
the savage crept through the underbrush, his murderous whoop was checked 
as the bold colonist uttered the psalm, " His truth shall be thy shield and 
buckler ; thou shalt not be afraid for the terror by night, nor for the arrow 
that flieth by day," and he gazed in awe at the motley procession, the 
pioneers of the vast army that was advancing upon " that new world which 
is the old." It was a fortnight's rough travel, but not altogether cheerless ; 
and ending at Windsor, a hasty thanksgiving recognized the auspicious 
smiles of Heaven. 

The Connecticut settlements soon grew too large to continue under the 
governance of the Bay, and in 1638 they became a separate colony. We 
may be sure that Roger Ludlowe had an eye to the chief office. Strangely 
enough, at this time Haynes joined the new colony, and was elected its 
Governor. Ludlowe, although made Lieutenant-Governor — the first to as- 
sume that dignity — and also first justice of the peace, made no attempt to 
conceal his disappointment. That he should again be defeated by Haynes, 
and in a field of his own choosing, had an appearance of fatality. We cannot 
wonder that the high-strung Ludlowe gave violent expression to his chagrin, 
and made a stormy entrance into Connecticut politics. He entered upon the 
duties of his office, however, with that rare intelligence and vigor for which 
he was distinguished, and soon adapted himself to the environment with 
more repression than had been expected. Indeed, at this juncture there 
was little time to nourish spleen or brood over personal ills. The colony 
was confronted with many perils. The Indian tribes could, at any con- 
certed moment, fall upon the settlers with four or five thousand warriors. 
Stirred up, as was suspected, by the Dutch traders, the Narragansetts were 
already on the war-path, and Endicott had just captured their fort at 
Block Island. Captain Underhill, the " Friar Tuck" of the New England 
greenwood, had just feasted his twenty merry men in the Dutch fort of 
Good Hope ; and his grotesque exploit — the fort was empty — had further 
exasperated the people of New Netherlands. During the Pequot war which 
ensued, Ludlowe, who was soldier as well as scholar, accompanied the ex- 
pedition against the Indian fort near Mystic, and shared" in whatever glory 
attaches to that memorable holocaust. 

It was while pursuing the remnants of the Pequots along the Connecti- 


cut shore, west of Saybrook, that his attention was arrested by that favored 
tract which the Indians called Unqnowa. With a sort of prophetic inspira- 
tion he at once named it Fairfield ; and he determined at an early day to 
form a settlement there. The fertile and picturesque spot that had thus 
appealed to his cupidity as well as sentiment, was the same that, two and 
a half centuries later, received the graceful salute of the late Dr. Osgood : 
" Fairfield, that speaks to us to-day in a masterpiece of God's own handi- 
work, as it spoke to our fathers a quarter of a thousand years ago." 

Late in the fall of 1639 (or as some insist, 1640), Ludlowe, with eight or 
ten families, removed from Windsor to Fairfield, which became his home 
and the centre of his varied activities for fifteen years. We would gladly 
chronicle that he brought to this fair region a more chastened spirit, but it 
is in accordance with historic truth that on the very threshold of his new 
home he precipitated a controversy. His cattle had been driven in ad- 
vance and pastured on pleasant meadows whose ownership had not been 
'officially defined. He was called to account by the Court for" undue haste 
in taking up Uncowa." In his defence, he said : " the hand of the Lord was 
upon him in taking away some of his cattle, which prevented him from sell- 
ing some, and being under apprehension that others intended to take up 
said place which might be prejudicial to this Commonwealth, he adventured 
to drive his cattle thither" (Colonial Record). The Court fined him £%o, 
administered a slight reprimand, and shortly after authorized the founding of 
the town. Space will not admit of analysis here. Ludlowe was no readier 
to relegate improvidences to the " hand of the Lord " than his associates. 
He shared the most of the peculiar views of contemporaries — even his 
exceptional intelligence was not proof against the prevailing belief in witch- 
craft. He was active, indeed, in convicting the notable Goody Knapp, and 
was present at the hanging of this victim of that epidemic of insanity, in 
Fairfield. He also contrived to get into personal trouble on the tragic oc- 
casion. Just before the execution, the " witch" had descended the ladder 
and made a confession to Ludlowe — so he insisted — which included an ac- 
cusation against one Goodwife Staples as being also a witch. He did not 
hesitate to reiterate the charge ; the husband of Mrs. Staples had him ar- 
raigned at the Court in New Haven, May 29, 1654, and Ludlowe, although 
there were many extenuating circumstances, was fined £2^ (New Haven 
Col. Rec, vol. ii., p. 77) for " defaming the fair name of Goodwife Staples." 

While at Fairfield, Ludlowe was three times Deputy Governor of Con- 
necticut, several time representative to the Colonial Assembly, and, during 
his residence there, continually held responsible office. On February 26, 
1840, he purchased of the Indians, no doubt with a view to another settle- 


ment, that part of Norwalk which lies between the Saugatuck and Norwalk 
rivers. The price paid was : " 8 fathoms of wampum, 6 coates, io hatchets, 
10 hoes, io knives, io sissors, io Jewse harpes, io fathoms of tobackoe, 3 
kettles of six hands about, and 10 looking glasses," and afterward sold the 
tract with the proviso " that it should be thereafter systematically im- 
proved " — an agreement suggestive of the progressive public spirit of the 

Neither history nor tradition opens a window through which we may 
glance at the fireside or touch upon the inner life of this many-sided man. 
For several years no notable public event interrupts the routine of his prim- 
itive frontier life, which, however, included every-day experiences freighted 
with hourly responsibilities. His duties as magistrate were grave and in- 
cessant. The Indians, too, lurked on the forest borders, or even in the 
long grass of the near pastures, and to milk a cow, or fell a tree, was to risk 
the swift and deadly arrow. They broke every treaty ; they hovered like 
grim spectres about the paths by day ; they drove sleep from the pillow at 
night. Writing to a friend — the letter is still partially preserved — he says : 
" the few that are left from the watches are not able to stand upon their 
legs ; what we plant is before our own doors, little anything else." 

But the salient feature of Ludlowe's career, the grand achievement of 
his life, was his large share in originating and putting into practical opera- 
tion the original laws of Connecticut. When, after the Pequot war, the 
General Court met to decide upon a frame of government, he was unani- 
mously appointed to make the draft. Of this great paper it is not too much 
to say, briefly, that in its immediate application and far-reaching results it 
ranks with the best that have been formulated by the profoundest states- 
men. It was not perfect: Ludlowe was not a perfect legislator ; but it ap- 
proached so near completeness that Bacon said of it : " It is the first 
example in history of a written Constitution — a distinct organic law, 
and defining its powers." On April 19, 1646, the Court again selected 
Ludlowe to frame a State paper. He was " desired to take some pains in 
drawing forth a Body of Laws for the Government of this Commonwealth," 
and it was also further ordered that he " should, besides the paying of a 
hired man, be further considered for his pains." Of the enduring value of 
this second model paper — a model that has shaped the vast machinery of 
our national legislation — let Bancroft speak. He says : " Kings have been 
dethroned, recalled, dethroned again, and so many constitutions framed 
and formed, stifled or subtracted, that memory may despair of a complete 
catalogue ; but the people of Connecticut have found no reason to deviate 
essentially from the government as established by their fathers." 


We are bound in fairness to state, in this connection, that so reliable a 
historian as Dr. Palfrey " sees the statesmanlike mind of Haynes " as well as 
" the lawyerlike hand of Ludlowe" in this document. Without admitting or 
disputing that, as Palfrey infers, Haynes helped to round out this great work, 
we may venture the remark, that, in rearing a great structure, the builder may 
avail himself of the strongest material without detracting from his own skill, 
or future renown of the edifice. We may also add, that, by Palfrey's own 
showing, Ludlowe was hardly the man to call in the aid of so formidable a 
rival as Haynes. The worthy Doctor also hints that the work was " largely 
added to from the Massachusetts laws," which we do not deny ; but the 
addition was made in 1650, and Ludlowe's Constitution was finished in 1647. 

We submit that the Code, notwithstanding its subsequent additions, 
was as much the work of Roger Ludlowe as the United States Constitu- 
tion is the work of its recognized authors. The General Court, sitting in 
February, 165 1, ordered " compensation for his great pains in drawing out 
and transcribing, concluding and establishing the same in May last." It 
was, moreover, by universal consent called " Ludlowe's Code," and by it 
the author gained the well-merited distinction of " The Father of Connec- 
ticut Jurisprudence." 

In 1604 the Colonists, especially those of Connecticut, alarmed at inroads 
of the Indians, whom, they still persisted, were instigated by the Dutch trad- 
ers, appealed to the General Courts for protection. In a ' ' spirit of self-preser- 
vation and not of sedition," they urged the subjugation of the New Nether- 
lands as the only avenue to permanent peace. Ludlowe warmly espoused 
the appeal to arms, but Massachusetts declined to enter upon war, though 
she permitted a company to be recruited in Boston, and through her influence 
Connecticut, while admitting the emergency, refused her official sanction. 
The agents of Cromwell, too, who was then on the eve of war with Holland, 
urged on the Colonists. 

Favored by Cromwell, backed by the people, and indignant at the 
apathy of the Courts, Ludlowe had never before met with such opportunity 
for the full play of his talents and fiery zeal. The planters in the vicin- 
ity of his home boldly determined to declare war on their own account. 
They gathered at Fairfield, appointed him commander-in-chief, and only 
awaited his order to march on the New Netherlands. Beset by the hot- 
headed Connecticut ccjlonist on this side, and by the foremost champion of 
Puritanism on the other side of the Atlantic, the thrifty Hollanders were in 
danger of annihilation. But it was otherwise ordered. England conquered 
with the pen, and the news of her bloodless victory cooled the ardor of her 
children in America. 


Ludlowe, suddenly yielding to popular reaction and the inexorable logic 
of events, sheathed his ambitious sword. Perhaps, with his turn for the 
classics, he was inclined, like the defeated Roman, to fall upon its point ; 
he certainly committed political suicide. The people of Fairfield were 
called to account by the General Court ; and although Ludlowe, personally, 
was unmolested, it was clear that he was implicated with an armed insurrec- 
tion, and forever disqualified for government office in Connecticut. With 
unfeigned regret he concluded to withdraw from the scenes of his brightest 
hopes and bitterest disappointments. 

The mystery attending his voluntary exile has not been a popular one. 
The colonial historians do not appear to have troubled themselves to solve 
it. Barber, Trumbull, Hollister, Palfrey, and others, despatch him to Vir- 
ginia and unbroken obscurity, as if, like the Spartan law-giver, he had 
bound the people to a code of laws until his return, and then disappeared 
forever. He did not, however, "pass his remaining days in Virginia and 
in obscurity," although he had disposed of his lands and announced his in- 
tention of sailing with his family and effects for Virginia, in a vessel owned 
by one Captain John Manning. This vessel, however, was seized by the 
authorities at New Haven, and her owner brought to court, April 26, 1654, 
to answer a charge of contraband trading. Ludlowe appeared in court and 
"informed the Governor how inconvenient and what a damage it would 
prove to him if the vessel was staid which he had hired to transport him 
and his family," and offered ^"ioo security for Manning. But he afterward 
withdrew the bond ; the vessel was condemned as lawful prize, and sold at 
Milford by inch of candle — i.e., the bid was adjudged when an inch of can- 
dle had been burned. Ludlowe therefore changed his purpose, and sailed 
for England. 

Nor did he ever return to Virginia, unless in such questionable shape 
as the Gray Champion of Hawthorne his restless spirit revisited the 
glimpses of the moon in the Old Dominion. That he ended his days in 
obscurity is so wholly at variance with the irrepressible force of the man as 
to invite doubt of the statement, and investigation justifies the doubt. He 
is known to have been conspicuous in England, in 1656, when, as one of a 
Board of Commissioners, he reported to the Privy Council at Whitehall. 
He is also heard of at Holyhead in 1658, just after Cromwell's death, having 
" newly returned from Ireland." • 

More than one historian has, without giving authority, charged Lud- 
lowe with " taking off with him the Town Records, of which he was custo- 
dian," when he left Fairfield ; and it has long been the popular belief that he 
was guilty of this petty larceny. Independent of the fact that the charge has 


no better backing than vague tradition, it would seem wholly irreconcilable 
with his probity during twenty-four years of office ; and the small intrinsic 
value of the property, the absence of motive, and the sensitive pride of the 
man, would all argue against it. Fortunately, research reveals the fact that 
the " missing records were afterwards found " ; their absence from the pres- 
ent Town Records may be explained by many easy analogies. 

In conclusion, we think we may express astonishment that a charge so 
groundless and cruel should so long obscure the renown of one who laid* 
the foundation of our Government. We are amazed, and must express it, 
that in the " Christian Commonwealth " whose groundwork he designed, 
in the very town he founded, this absurd charge should have general cre- 
dence, even up to the hour of this writing. But this popular fallacy, like 
many another offspring of mythical tradition, fades in the searching light of 
truth. What the after-career of Roger Ludlowe was in the parent country 
we cannot at present ascertain, and are therefore unable to pursue our sub- 
ject across the Atlantic until it loses itself on the misty borders of the " un- 
known sea" ; and perhaps it is as well that we now take leave while the 
light of research, like the gleam of a December star, pierces the wintry 
clouds of prejudice and obloquy, and brightens the path he trod in New 


less, when speaking of " my cousin Roger Ludlow(e)." 


Ample justice is now being done to the character of the late Henry 
Wadsworth Longfellow, who merits the warmest eulogy that has been paid 
to his memory either as a poet, a scholar, or as a man. None but inferior 
minds can be moved with envy by the contemplation of his world-wide 
fame. It is well earned. The pure and healthful pleasure which his varied 
works have afforded would alone entitle him to universal regard. He has 
proved both a literary stimulus and a source of moral inspiration. A poet of 
absolute purity, there is not a phrase in one of his many compositions that 
either he or his reader could desire to have blotted out. His mind reflected 
what was beautiful and true and of good report, while his themes were 
treated in accordance with methods suited not only to the higher and the 
average capacity, but to the great class of plain minds. Philosophy sought 
without avail to draw him out of the life of the people to follow her ab- 
struse moods. The scene of his activity lay among every-day mortal men, 
whom he visited at their firesides with a song and story capable of touching 
all impressible hearts. As a poet, Longfellow entered into the sweet home 
affections, while souls smitten with sorrow could turn to his sympathy and 
find relief. He was the poet of the people, being, indeed, the most popular 
of all modern writers of verse. Since his lamented decease the statistics have 
been spread before the public in various forms, showing the number of his 
readers in different lands. In winning the ear of the masses he surpassed 
all his rivals. In England, even, his constituency, we are told, outnumbers 
that of the Poet Laureate ; while oriental languages, with all their affluence, 
have been taxed to make his conceptions a part of the popular thought of 
highly cultivated people in warm, imaginative and poetic lands. 

A degree of popularity like this, achieved, too, within so short a time, in- 
deed excites surprise, leading many to regard the columns of figures and bib- 
liographical accounts of translations as so many pledges of enduring fame. 
Time alone, however, can reveal the true place of Longfellow in the public 
estimation. As Americans, we all could wish to see his supremacy as a 
popular poet maintained ; yet other poets, in time, will come, men of equal 
power and of similar tastes and sympathies, making their appeal to the 
same human nature, and winning, perhaps, the same share of popular 
regard. They and he may be forgotten. Possibly it may require even 
but a short period to dismiss any poet of this class to the realms of forget- 
fulness and shade. Who can say ? 


If universal good-will could render any man immortal, the name of 
Longfellow would of necessity be regarded as one of those names destined 
never to die. Nevertheless, nothing is more uncertain than popularity, 
while many readers, as they look into the poet's productions, fail to 
discern many of those great intellectual elements required to insure the 
lasting remembrance and homage of thoughtful minds. Mr. Longfellow 
was not a "great" poet. He never rose in any sustained flight to the 
height of " In Memoriam," while no one asks how he appears in con- 
trast with still higher minds. But let us turn to inquire if his writings 
have any special connection with the history of our country that is likely 
to insure them a permanent place. 

Mr. Longfellow was not a national poet. Little that he ever wrote can 
be identified with the greater aspirations of the American people. While 
possessing all those patriotic impulses that dignify the citizen's private life, 
he seldom exhibited in his writings that sparkling exuberance which over- 
flows in the works of a class of men, and constitutes their verse a source of 
national inspiration. At the end of his poem on "The Building of the 
Ship," the imprisoned patriotism found vent, though it generally remained 
sealed. On provincial themes he was not so silent, yet in connection with 
New England he was far from ardent, and, upon the whole, was chary. 
In one place, speaking of Plymouth, he quotes the saying that three king- 
doms had been sifted to get the seed for that particular planting, but he does 
not say much about the crop. On the other hand, in his Tragedies, "John 
Endicott " and " Giles Corey," he draws a picture of early New England 
that for repulsiveness need not be excelled ; a picture, indeed, which com- 
ing from the hand of a stranger, would have been regarded as the offspring 
of a mind bent upon blackening New England's fame. There is little 
in his writings to indicate enthusiasm on the part of the poet for a class 
of sentiments that the panegyrist holds so dear. He never gave currency 
to those stock ideas so precious in the eyes of a Hemans or a Sprague ; 
much less did he approach the chromo style of the Plymouth Rock oration. 
Whatever he may have thought on some subjects, he kept his own counsel 
so far as the public was concerned, neither in the case of Pilgrim nor Prel- 
ate finding any particular reason for unbounded praise. As the result, he 
is no more thoroughly identified with New England traditions than those of 
the nation. He found his " Native Land " in that Country sung in the rich 
verse of Bernard of Morlaix. Yet while in thought his soul aspired to 
scenes lying beyond the Cosmos, he loved the terrestrial world, and the 
whole of it. He was not provincial. His mind harmonized with the under- 
tone of mankind at large. Still he was not without a pronounced fondness 


for the older portion of the world. Indeed, it might possibly be said that 
with him it was always outre mer. There is nothing in his apostrophe to 
the " Union " that, on poetic grounds, might not have been addressed to the 
British Constitution. His sympathies were with the elder, mediaeval world, 
with the legendary days, with the monk in his cloister, rather than with 
modern statesmen and aggressive reforms. He was reverent and religious, 
dwelling upon Love instead of Law. He would view heaven through the 
cathedral windows, rather than in the lurid page of the catechism of the 
iconoclast who broke the windows. He admired, as who does not, the many 
rare aspects of New England life and landscape, but, as a rule, his mind 
attained its fullest glow when dwelling upon days that are dead, and men 
and things he never knew. The great Catholic festivals also had their 
charm, and he was at home among monasteries and crypts. He was familiar 
with church steeples and belfries, bells, baptistries, and fonts of holy water. 
Nothing was alien to him that was human. He was an eclectic, and cham- 
pioned no particular cause. He indeed wrote strong words about the slave, 
but he printed them prudently, which was well. In fact, his anti-slavery 
poems told powerfully with some classes, and form an essential feature in 
that department of his writings classed as Americana. His feelings, how- 
ever, as reflected in his verse, were not essentially, or, at least, enthusiasti- 
cally, American, and it must be remembered that we have nothing to do 
with him outside of his published writings. This is not referred to as a 
fault. Both as a man and as a poet he had a perfect right to choose his 
own theme and his own way of viewing it. Nevertheless, it is perhaps 
reasonable, that a more pronounced union between his life-work and the 
national life, would have strengthened his hold upon the people, provided 
the union of the States is to be permanent. On the other hand, is the ques- 
tion whether or not the interest now felt in distinctly New England themes 
will always prevail. We assume that this interest will continue, and that in 
the future, the history of New England, contrasted with that of the country 
at large, will not appear simply a curious episode, like the story of " Brooks 
Farm," compared with the history of modern Massachusetts. These, how- 
ever, are topics that can be dealt with only in a general way. 

As we have seen with respect to Longfellow, the national sentiment is 
not a pronounced thing, yet American ideas, to some extent, prevail. 
They are found especially in connection with the so-called aboriginal 
American who comes before us in the poem of " Hiawatha." In dealing 
with this theme Longfellow had a fair opportunity, but how well he im- 
proved the opportunity it is the province, not of his immediate admirer, but 
of the student of Indian history to say. That it is generally true to essen- 


tial features of Indian life and tradition, we cannot deny ; but that he did 
the best that it was possible to do for the Red Man is far from being evi- 
dent to many minds. The subject is treated by Longfellow in accordance 
with the inferior traditions, and is not in harmony with the account most 
consistent with known facts. It may indeed be said in reply, that the poet 
is not bound by any truths of history, and that he deals with the realm 
of imagination. This is sufficiently correct ; yet it may nevertheless be 
argued that the exercise of the imagination in subordination to well-known 
truths is not inconsistent with fancy's highest flight, and that a poem 
which enshrines some great imperishable truth has a better chance of 
being remembered than a work of equal poetical merit which ignores or 
contravenes truth. The latter, in some degree, appears to be the case with 
the poem called "Hiawatha." Schoolcraft, certainly a very competent 
authority, testifies that the legends upon which Mr. Longfellow has based 
his poem represent the Chieftain Hiawatha, upon the whole, as the imper- 
sonation of evil, and actuated by cunning, weakness, and petty ambition, 
Consequently, it has been said : " We find that the character which the poet 
represents continually reminds us of its origin. Certain qualities may be 
depressed, and some may be exaggerated, while others may be left out 
altogether ; and yet the feeble trickster is always there, holding himself up 
to view amid all the affluence of rhythm and imagery and art, as a com- 
pound of opposite, and often contemptible, qualities." As the same 
research goes to prove that Hiawatha was a historic character, who " formed 
the American Amphictyonic League ; who gave the Iroquois legisla- 
tion and laws ; who, by the power of his genius, blended the Five Nations 
into one ; and who, by the force of his example and the purity of his pre- 
cepts, cemented the great fabric which stood for many generations in the 
heart of America as a refuge to those people not exactly included within 
the League, but who, nevertheless, as history declares, found it as refresh- 
ing in their day as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land." The 
Iroquois Republic, founded near the thirteenth century, was not estab- 
lished upon a myth, but upon a person, a man of genius and power. 
That man was " Hiawatha," who lived before the black-robed chief of the 
pale-faced race appeared among the Indians, and whose introduction by 
Longfellow, as a Jesuit missionary, forms a pure anachronism. Upon the 
whole, it can hardly be affirmed that Longfellow made the best possible 
use of his material, or that he employed those ideas in the construction of 
"Hiawatha" that demand recognition in connection with the character; 
and, if his poem is read in the distant future, it will not be studied in the 
conviction that the author detected the most vital and enduring qualities in 


Indian history and tradition, and wrote with a supreme veneration for his- 
toric truth. 

Turning next to the poem of " Evangeline," which, together with 
" Hiawatha," it is said, we owe to the vigorous and somewhat unsparing 
criticism bestowed by critics upon his earlier pieces, we find the same 
structural defects, so far as history may be concerned, the poem of " Evan- 
geline " forming almost a travesty. This is a sufficiently small matter to 
a class of minds, yet it is worth considering, especially at a time when 
research into antiquity is resulting in increased reverence for more than one 
great composition, by^showing that the basis is formed of essential fact, and 
that the poet is a kind of historic guide. Longfellow had a perfect right, 
as a poet, to assume that the facts were against the English and in favor 
of the French, and he was justified, as an artist, in painting a termagant 
neutral asa" pious Acadian peasant," who unjustly suffered all manner of 
cruelty and hardship at the hands of his English persecutor. In this de- 
liberate choice, however, he must look to the "aesthete" for sympathy rather 
than to the student of history ; to the lover of sun-flowers rather than the 
admirer of true flowers of poesy ; for the pious Acadian peasant was as 
rare in Acadia as Indian summer following the September gales. It is 
not the purpose of this article, however, to point out mixed astronomy, 
nor to note the poet's inattention to a natural phenomenon. If he sees fit to 
array the nude, leafless " Summer of all Saints " in robes of scarlet and yel- 
low, and cause each tree of the forest to flash like the plane-tree the 
Persians adorned with mantles and jewels, we must submit. Neverthe- 
less, this is not in the spirit of Corot, whose lecture to one of the pupils in 
his studio was written in a single word on a scrap of paper, " Conscience." 
Besides, there is nothing in such a treatment of a semi-historic theme to 
insure lasting popularity ; while the permanent reputation of no poet is likely 
to be injured by the subordination of fancy to well-known facts. 

On the other hand, Longfellow, by setting forth an unreality, sometimes 
helps what is real. In his note to the poem entitled " The Skeleton in 
Armour," he makes sport of the Old Mill at Newport, quoting Sancho, who 
says, " God bless me ! Did I not warn you to have a care of what you 
were doing, for that it was nothing but a wind-mill ; and nobody could 
mistake it but one who had the like in his head." Yet in the poem itself, 
while speculating over the relics of some Narragansett Indian, he assumes 
historic character of the Northmen's voyages to America, and this poem has 
probably done more to fix those voyages in the public mind than many a 
ponderous essay. At the same time, the error flies on the poetic wings that 
bear the truth. Hence, especially as Longfellow enjoys such unbounded 


popularity and influence, is this the more to be regretted, for unhistoric 
ideas thus gain the widest currency, and pass for veritable facts, rendering 
it well nigh impossible to write the errors down. 

Historically considered, then, poems like those mentioned are some- 
what deficient. It would prove an easy task to dwell upon another class of 
errors that might be described as " technical," like several already men- 
tioned. For instance, the poem on " Sir Humphrey Gilbert " opens : 

"Southward with fleet of ice 
Sailed the corsair Death ; 
Wild and fast blew the blast, 
And the east wind was his breath ; " 

while Sir Humphrey was lost in the autumn, not in the time when the ice 
fleets are sailing southward. Whenever- lost, he was not lost in the ice. 
Much less did he sail " Eastward from Campobello," as he shaped his course 
from near Sable Island and went down off the Azores. In fact, the techni- 
cal errors are so abundant that this poem might be set down as structurally 
false. It would nevertheless prove profitless to follow in the line of Mar- 
garet Fuller, who tripped the poet for taking " Bishop's Caps" out of books 
to sow in New England. What has been said is sufficient to justify the 
concession that Longfellow departed from facts "very considerably." 

In closing, attention may be called to a few points in the " Courtship of 
Miles Standish," where Standish is introduced on the eve of the sailing of 
the Mayflower for England, April 5, 1621. The Leyden colonists arrived 
at Plymouth the preceding December, and this was the earliest time when 
she could be spared, as during the winter there were only a few huts on the 
shore, which were insufficient to accommodate the people. When the ship left 
they had barely succeeded in securing shelter ; yet, even at this time, Long- 
fellow represents Plymouth as a "village," outside of which, at some dis- 
tance, lived Priscilla, whom John Alden visits and finds engaged in spinning, 
though there was no wool in all New England to spin. It was the brain 
of the Pilgrims that was spinning in the fight with disease and death. One 
of the victims of the winter's privation was Rose Standish, who, at the sail- 
ing of the Mayflower, had been dead only about eight weeks ; yet the poet 
sets the disconsolate Miles at once on the track of a second Mrs. Standish. 
He also sends Standish to Weymouth to slay the Indians several years before 
there were Indians needing any slaying, and he boasts of his " brazen how- 
itzer " mounted upon the roof of the church at a time when they had no 
n brazen" howitzer, and, in fact, no howitzer at all, and no church roof to 
mount one on. All this, too, regardless of the saying put in the mouth 


of Miles, " No man can gather cherries in Kent at the season of Christ- 
mas." The first winter and spring at Plymouth contained nothing idyllic, 
and the Mayflower went home bearing only a tale of woe. Historically 
considered, " The Courtship of Miles Standish " is mixed. 

Mr. Longfellow himself finally came to entertain a vague suspicion that 
he had dealt too freely with facts, and, in the prefatory verses of his " Trage- 
dies," he makes an apology, saying : 

" Nor let the historian blame the poet here, 
If he perchance misdate the day or year, 
And group together by his art 
, That in the chronicles lie far apart." 

This attempt, however, to break the force of criticism will not be likely 
to go far in the face of the now rapidly growing taste for accuracy in 
American History. With all of one's respect and affection for Mr. Long- 
fellow, there remains, therefore, the regret, that in treating historic themes 
he has not shown more devotion to the letter of our annals, especially as 
he is represented as having a superior knowledge of local and general his- 
tory. In a general way, however, we may accept the following, spoken 
under circumstances when the voice of friendship could not have said less: 
4< He took the saddest of our New England tragedies, and the sweetest of 
its rural home scenes : the Wayside Inn, the Alarum of War, the Indian 
Legend, and the Hanging of the Crane in the modest household, which his 
genius has invested with enduring charms and morals. Wise and gentle 
was the heart which could thus find melodies for the harp, the lyre, and the 
plectrum in our fields and wildernesses, wreathing them as nature does the 
thickets and stumps of the forest with flowers and mosses. While all his 
utterances came from a pure, a tender, and a devout heart, addressing 
themselves to what is of like in other hearts, there is not in them a line of 
morbidness, of depression or melancholy, but only that which quickens and 
cheers with robust resolve and courage, with peace and aspiring trust." 
Nevertheless, with all of the writer's personal regard, he cannot add, with 
unqualified approval, the statement that " the scenes and incidents and per- 
sonages which most need a softening and refining touch, receive it from 
him without prejudice to the service of sober history." 





Letters from Thomas Ellison, Jr., Merchant at 
Coenties and Old Slip, to his father, Col. 
Thomas Ellison, of New Windsor. 

[The following extracts are from the 
letters of Thomas Ellison, Jr., who was 
the successor of one of the oldest mer- 
cantile houses in New York, his grand- 
father. John Ellison, having located in 
1 703 " without the north gate of the city," 
where he was the owner, in 1728, of one 
of the four wharves on the west side of 
the city. The observations upon current 
events are from a mercantile view.] 

July 8. 1762. Yesterday afternoon we 
had a terrible gust of rain, wind, thunder, 
and lightning, the severest ever known. 
For about half an hour, it was one con- 
tinued peal, during which, the steeple of 
the old English Church (Trinity) was set 
on fire, just under the ball, or partly 
within it, which was happily extinguished 
by some daring men, who ripped the 
shingles from the lath, and so went up on 
the outside of the steeple to the ball. 

Feb. 4. 1765. Extremely cold weather. 
The river entirely frozen over, and 
people crossing on the ice. 

Sept. 5. 1765. By report, there is a 
great disturbance in Boston, about the 
Stamp Act, &c. It is said, they have 
pulled the Lieut. Governor's house down, 
taken what money and plate he had in 
the house, and destroyed all his papers 
they could come at, and have ransacked 
two other houses. They have also pulled 
down two other houses, at Rhode Island. 
The flames seem to be coming westward, 

and there is a good deal of talk in 

Sept. 11. 1765. The authorities are 
carrying provisions and ammunition into 
the Fort, and the Governor's family 
(Gov. Colden) are moving in. There 
has been nothing done here, but there is 
a good deal of talk, and I do not think 
there will be any disturbance unless it be 
when the stamps arrive. It is reported 
there are two men of war, lying at the 
Hook, to guard the ship up, that brings 

Oct. 23. 1765. Captain Davis has 
come at last, who has the disagreeable 
stamp papers on board. Most of the 
vessels in the harbor, had their colors 
half hoisted. She was guarded up, by 
two men of war, who have carried her in 
the North River, to land the stamps at 
the Fort. 

Nov. 4. 1765. The Governor, by ad- 
vice of the General, has consented to 
deliver the stamps to-morrow morning, 
to the Corporation. If they will re- 
ceive them, it -will settle the minds of the 
populace, in some measure, which have 
been greatly excited by fortifying the 
Fort, in so strong a manner, and spiking 
all the guns on the Battery. The Gover- 
nor has made a great many enemies, by 
this proceeding, and it is dangerous to 
say anything in his behalf. The City 
Hall bell is now ringing to call the in- 
habitants together, to have their advice, 
and ascertain if it be agreeable, that the 
Corporation should take them, (the 
stamps) under their care. 

Have just heard that a letter was sent 
to the Treasurer last night, to deposit a 
sum of money, in a certain place, or 
take the consequences. 



Nov. 6. 1765. I have already written 
you an account of the disturbances in 
the city, and the extraordinary fortifying 
of the Fort, even on the tops of the 
houses, which greatly excited the minds 
of the people. The most of the people 
living near the Fort, have removed their 
effects, and there would have been a 
great disturbance in the city last night, 
had not the stamps been delivered to the 
Mayor and Corporation, who have placed 
them in the City Hall. It is believed 
now, there will be no trouble with regard 
to the stamps, unless the new Gover- 
nor, when he arrives, should endeavor 
to put them in force, which would be 
impossible, with what troops there are 

Nov. 13. 1765. Governor Moore ar- 
rived this morning, and his commission 
was published by one o'clock. I sup- 
pose, in a few days we shall know some 
of our new master's sentiments, as the 
Assembly met yesterday, though not in 
sufficient numbers, to make a house. 
The man of war has orders from Lord 
Colin to stop or seize all vessels that are 
not cleared on stamped papers, which 
puts a stop to trade, though hope it will 
not continue long. The Sons of Liberty 
are not satisfied, nor I suppose, will they 
be, 'till business goes on in the usual 

April 24. 1766. Yesterday afternoon 
the Packet came in, which brought the 
news that the Stamp Act was actually re- 
pealed, which occasioned great joy. Can- 
dles were put up at every house, and 
about 2 o'clock in the morning, all the 
bells began to ring, and colors were 
hoisted on almost every vessel, and in 
many other places in town. The bells 

kept ringing till the mail came up, about 
8 o'clock this morning, when by the 
letters, it appeared that the repeal had 
but just passed the House of Commons, 
which put a stop to our rejoicings. It is 
reported that nine regiments of troops 
are coming over, the authorities at home, 
disliking very much the tone of the last 
remonstrances from New York. 

Jan. 18 th 1770. Our city is yet in a 
ferment and last Saturday night, a party 
of soldiers attempted to cut down, or 
blow up the Liberty Pole. Last night 
they effected it, which raised the resent- 
ment of many of the people, who met in 
the field [now City Hall park] this day. 
They separated however, without any 
riot. The officers ordered all the sol- 
diers to remain in their barracks, many 
of them remaining to see their orders 
obeyed. The citizens, in their enthu- 
siasm, notified the Common Council, of 
their determination to erect a Liberty 
Pole opposite St. Paul's Church, but the 
authorities objecting, it was erected on 
private grounds. 

Dec. 30 th 1773. Last night there 
was a dreadful fire. The Governor's 
house, in the Fort, was burnt, and not 
the least thing saved. The Governor, 
lady, and daughter, escaped almost naked 
as they jumped out of bed. The fire 
was discovered just after n o'clock, and 
though the sentry was, in a manner, 
around, it was not discovered, until it 
appeared out of the chimnies, when it 
soon burst out of the windows. The As- 
sembly has made the Governor a present 
of ^5000 towards his loss. 

April 9 th 1774. There was, yesterday 
afternoon, very great seizure made of 36 
Chests of tea, a number of cases of gin 



and other liquors, amounting in value to 

May 16 th 1774. The Merchants had 
a meeting, in order to consult what means 
should be taken to effect a repeal of the 
duty on tea. A non-importation act is 
talked of, which if it should be resolved 
upon, the next step would probably be 
the stoppage of our Port, as in the case 
of Boston. Nothing was concluded on, 
at the time, but to choose a committee 
to correspond with the sister colonies, 
and to transact business. Subsequently, 
a large meeting was held by the inhabi- 
tants of the city, at the Coffee House, to 
approve of the nomination of fifty mer- 
chants, chosen as such Committee. 

Jan. 27 th 1775. Yesterday, the ques- 
tion came up before the Assembly, whe- 
ther they should take up the proceedings 
of Congress. After a warm debate, it 
was decided against so doing. 11 to 10. 
Many here think the Assembly should 
take no notice of what the Congress has 
done, but petition themselves, which 
would be the most likely means of heal- 
ing the unhappy breach. This morning 
(the 31st) the Packet arrived, bringing 
the King's speech, which is unfriendly to 
our proceedings, especially at Boston. I 
have seen it, and it is said, the address 
from the Commons echoes the same sen- 
timents, being determined to enforce the 
authority of Parliament, over all the 
British dominions. It is said there are 
4000 more troops coming over to Boston, 
and that Sir Jaffry Amherst r and Sir W'm 
Draper are coming over to take com- 
mand, in place of General Gage. Two 
ships arrived this morning, from Scotland. 
Our Committee meets this evening, and 
they will probably be sent back, without 

landing their goods. This will make this 
Province, in as bad order [odor] as the 

Feb. 7 th 1775. One of the Scotch 
ships went down to the watering place 
this morning, on her return to Scotland, 
where she still remains, requiring some 
repairs. It is said some people were in 
favor of her coming up, though very few. 
Should she return it will kick up a dust, 
for there was some altercation on the 
deck, upon her leaving. I heard a noise 
before I was up this morning, and soon 
ascertained it was an informer they had 
got on a cart, and were administering a 
coat of tar and feathers to him. It seems 
he had informed against a lot of hemp 
that was lodged in a cellar. He was 
carted almost around the town, before 
the magistrates could collect ; they res- 
cued him however, and have got two of 
the acting persons in jail, and seem to be 
spirited in suppressing such conduct. 

Feb. 11 th 1775. The January packet 
has arrived, and brings favorable accounts. 
It is said the King has received the peti- 
tion from the Congress, and intends lay- 
ing it before Parliament. The support- 
ers of the measures of the Congress, 
attribute great merit to them, and the 
merchants in England, who have their 
connections here, are waking interest to 
have our grievances repealed, and are 
going to petition the King. I sincerely 
wish they would, and that many thou- 
sands of others would join to obtain our 
redress, upon a lasting foundation ; but 
still, I can't be without fears, that we 
shall not have every redress our sanguine 
expectations could wish ; therefore would 
have all constitutional measures still pur- 
sued, to effect a lasting reconciliation. 



Feb. 27 th 1775. By the newspapers 
you will see the people to the eastward 
are exercising, and fitting their men, for 
war. It is suspected that there will be 
some sudden thing done in the spring, by 
the troops, as they have been preparing 
wagons, and field equipage. 

March 2 d 1775. This is the day the 
non-consumption of tea, was to take place. 
I believe a great many in the city, have 
broken the agreement, already. How it 
will be, at the Assembly this evening, I do 
not know. One of the delegates (Mr. 
T.) is one of the managers who has said 
there shall be no tea drank, on that occa- 
sion ; if so, it may make some disturbance. 
It was expected there would have been 
some parade this day, in burying the tea 
canister, and burning some of the remains 
of the tea, but there was nothing. By the 
paper, you will see there was a great ma- 
jority for the Provincial Congress, to elect 
delegates to the next Congress. The 
majority here, are for a Continental Con- 
gress, but that they should be instructed. 
Mr. Isaac Low, chairman of the present 
committee, has declined serving as a 
deputy, nor will he go as a delegate to 
the next Congress, so we suppose we shall 
have new ones. 

April 9 th 1775. The Boston post 
brought us, last night, disagreeable news 
respecting our public affairs. The Par- 
liament have voted the Bostonians in act- 
ual rebellion, and the other Provinces 
aiders and abettors — 260 against 80, so 
that there was a great majority against 
those who will support his Majesty with 
their lives and fortunes. It is said all 
the ports on the Continent, are to be 
blocked up with men of war, and we are 
to be permitted to trade only with Eng- 

land, and with no foreign port. It is re- 
ported as a certainty, that there are six 
regiments of foot, and two of light horse, 
coming over immediately, and also, twenty 
small men of war, to block up all the 
ports. Saturday afternoon, Captn Sears 
was arrested, and taken before the Mayor, 
when, refusing to give bail, was taken to 
jail, but on the way, and going up the 
steps, was rescued by a number of peo- 
ple, and carried through some of the 
streets. In the evening, there was a 
meeting in the field [now City Hall, 
Park] when he took the sense of those 
present, as to whether he should give bail. 
Some were for, and some against his do- 
ing so. A handbill is in circulation, 
signed by Ralph Thurman, who has of- 
fended many, by packing some straw in 
trusses, that was purchased for the troops 
in Boston. Accordingly many of those 
who were in the field on Saturday even- 
ing, went to Thurman' s house, to cause 
him to make concessions to them, which 
he refused to do. His brother stood in 
the door, with a pair of pistols, with up- 
per (half) door open, and declared if any 
entered, he would fire. None attempted 
to enter, and after staying till 9 or 10 
o'clock, dispersed without obtaining any 

April 25 th 1775. You will see, in yes- 
terday's paper, the melancholy account 
from Boston, which is this day confirmed, 
by the way of Waterford. I fain would 
hope it is not so bad, as represented, yet 
I fear there is too much in it. If any 
lives are lost, it will be attended with 
bad consequences, and no doubt will 
raise America unanimously, against the 
troops, for who could see their country- 
men butchered, and not endeavor to 



prevent it. Should the troops have made 
the attack on the people, it will unite 
every man against them. There were 
two sloops at our dock, loaded with flour, 
etc, for the army at Boston, which were 
immediately unloaded, though Sunday. 
There was also a ship loaded for the same 
place, which had fallen down to the 
watering place, [lower bay of N. Y.] which 
they intended also, to bring up and un- 
load, but the man of war heard of it, and 
sent some men on board, and yesterday 
morning saw her safely out of the Hook, 
which will be the last they will get from 
here, should any part of the account be 
true. This news raised the spirits of the 
people so highly, that on Sunday even- 
ing, they went in a large body to the 
City Hall, and took out the province 
arms, about 500 stand. Should the ac- 
counts from Boston be true, it is prob- 
able that as soon as the Congress meets 
in Philadelphia, a non-exportation act 
will be agreed upon, in order to prevent 
the troops being supplied with provisions. 
April 29 th 1775. Ever since the news 
from Boston, the *city has been m tu- 
mult, and confusion, but has subsided 
some, and hope we shall soon be in order, 
as people of every turn, warm as well as 
moderate, will join in establishing it. The 
Committee have again met, and held up 
the same 100 men, nominated and ap- 
pointed an election for them on Monday 
next : when they are chosen, they will 
enter into proper regulations. There is 
a spirited association set on foot, and will 
be signed, I believe, by every man in 
turn, the purport of which is, to support 
the measures of the Continental Congress, 
and also of the Provincial Congress [of 
New York] and the proceedings of the 

Committee, which will be a means of 
keeping peace in the city. I heard Mr. 
Oliver De Lancey will sign it, if it be 
not inconsistent with his oath, and Judge 
Livingston has already signed it. By 
the latest accounts from Boston, it ap- 
pears the Regulars have lost, — killed and 
taken prisoners, — 332, and the loss of 
the Bostonians 30 or 40. There is a 
report in town, that a cessation of arms 
is agreed on, which may be confirmed. 
We hear that the Bostonians have sent 
all their men home, except 18 of each 
company, who are kept as an army of 
observation, lest the troops should make 
another excursion. 

Our city, which was divided about the 
mode of redress, is united now, and of 
one way of thinking, that spirited meas- 
ures will be most likely to bring on a 
reconciliation, as we cannot bear the 
thought of being dragooned into measures 
we disapprove of. Our Custom House 
will probably be open next week, but w~ 
expect all our ports will be closed, as 
soon as the Congress meets at Philadel- 
phia, unless we have more favorable ac- 
counts, which will not probably be the 
case, as we hear the three Generals ex- 
pected, have arrived at Boston. Since the 
affair at the latter place, it is necessary to 
act with more spirit than before. Those 
who were in hopes it might have been set- 
tled without spilling of blood, will join 
heartily now, in more spirited measures, 
which will be the means of preventing the 
effusion of more blood. You will see the 
names of the Association in the papers, 
— which is universally signed, and hope 
yourself and brother William will also 
put your names to it. As civil govern- 
ment is very weak, it is necessary com- 



mittees should be appointed to keep 
order, and prevent running into confu- 
sion, till these troubles can be settled. 
All those refusing to become members 
of the Association here, are to have their 
names retained by the Committee. 

The Connecticut Assembly have 
agreed to raise 6000 men at once, and 
have appointed their generals and other 
officers. I am glad you and my brother 
have acted with decision in these trouble- 
some times, as nothing but a spirited 
behavior will save us. I have heard 
that your committee had written to ours, 
that you were in want of arms and am- 
munition, and requesting them to advance 
the money, which was declined, and rec- 
ommended when they wanted anything 
of the kind, to raise the money by sub- 
scription. I cannot hear of a quarter 
cask of powder for you, to he had in 
the city. Several of our principal men, 
are going to England immediately, — 
Mr. John Watts, Henry Cruger, Roger 
Morris, Col. Maunsel, and many others. 
A vessel has just arrived from Liverpool, 
having spoken six transports to the east- 
ward, with troops, and reports that fifteen 
or sixteen hundred regulars are coming 
here, from England. 

April 27 th 1775. Since my last letter 
to you, there has been a meeting at the 
Liberty Pole, and a great majority were 
for shutting up our port immediately; 
and from thence they went to Mr. El- 
liott's house, a great number with arms, 
and demanded the Keys of the Custom 
House. We have no later accounts from 
Boston, and fear the next will be of a 
.general battle. We are now involved in 
a civil war, and must sink or swim with 
the other Colonies. 

Nothing can save us but the closest 
union of the w r hole. Should we divide, 
it would make an opening for civil war 
among ourselves, which would be much 
worse than with the soldiers. I was for 
moderate measures, but the face of affairs 
is now changed, and to-morrow a general 
committee is to be chosen, of 100 men, 
my own name being on the list. On 
Friday at 12 o'clock, they began to 
choose committee men, but soon after, 
slopped, as some dis-approved of it. 
Just now a report has come to town, that 
the men of war have seized all the ves- 
sels at Salem, and are coming here, and 
to Philadelphia to do the same. I hope 
your county will be prudent, and not be- 
come divided, as a spirited opposition to 
the acts of the army will be necessary. 
Our Committee have again met, and 
erased some of the names from the list, 
that were objected to — De Lancey's, 
Thurman's &c. They have also agreed 
to have an Association, to be signed by 
the inhabitants, in defence of their rights, 
and liberties, which will be universally 
agreed to. It is conceded if a fleet and 
army come here, it will be impossible to 
hold the town, — therefore they have con- 
cluded to carry all the Cannon &c up to 
King's bridge, and fortify a place there, 
and some of the cannon are already on 
their way. It is said, there are 700 or 
800 men from Connecticut, on the march 
here, and some of their officers are al- 
ready come to town. 

May 15 th 1775. J ust now an express 
has arrived from Albany, with advices 
that the Connecticut provincials, about 
270 men, have taken Ticonderoga, with- 
out any opposition. In the place, it is 
said, they found 200 pieces of cannon of 



different sizes, and it is said, 200 bbls of 
powder. They sent down to Albany 
for 500 men, and provisions, but the 
Committee of Albany would do nothing, 
without consulting New York, and the 
Committee here, do not choose to act, 
without consulting the Congress, to whom 
an express is going, this evening. There 
were a Captain, lieutenant, and 42 men 
in the fort, which they have sent prison- 
ers to Albany. "We fear this will be the 
means of creating an inland war, with the 
Canadians and Indians. 

May 19 th 1775. There is little news 
just now, save what appears in the pa- 
pers of the day. Our Committee have 
agreed to send the Connecticut men 
notice, that they are not immediately 
wanted here ; there is also a report that 
a 64 gun ship is coming here from Bos- 
ton. This morning (the 26th) the Asia, 
a 64 gun ship came in the harbor from 
Boston, and lies directly opposite Coen- 
ties' dock. The Captain has gone to the 
Governor's, at Flushing. Our Commit- 
tee are going around the Wards, to see if 
they can raise ten thousand pounds, by 
subscription on loan, to be repaid by the 
Province. They subscribe from ^"20 to 
^200. I have put my name down for 
^■30. I have heard it mentioned, that our 
Congress had partly determined on the 
number of men to be raised, which is 2800. 

June 7 th 1775. There is a report, 
that the people of Rhode Island have 
taken a 20 gun frigate, by stratagem 
(without the loss of a man) and brought 
her to dock, and taken out her guns, and 
ammunition. What can't Americans do ! 
— though it will be well, if we do not pay 
for it. 

June 13 th 1775. Our Committee 

meetings are not yet over, for after the 
Provincial Congress had published the 
order to keep the peace, and not disturb 
the King's store, and had got those things 
replaced, that were removed at Turtle 
Bay ; last Sunday night they were taken 
out again by some New England men, 
put on board a sloop, and carried up the 
Sound. The King fisher (man of war) 
went in pursuit, but is returned without 
meeting her. 

The Congress has fixed Thursday, 20 th 
of July, as a day of fasting, and abstain- 
ing from labor, and it is thought our non- 
importation act will go into effect on that 
day, — if it does, it may be said we shall 
cease from our labors, — with a good deal 
of propriety. 

Last Wednesday we had an account 
from Norwich, of another fight at Boston, 
and that the Provincials were obliged to 
retreat, with considerable loss. By the 
accounts of the action at Cambridge, it is 
uncertain which has gained the day, and 
it is probable there will be skirmishes 
every week, in which many live's will be 
lost. I send you the account of a motion, 
made by our agent Mr. Burke, for leave 
to bring the Remonstrance from our As- 
sembly, to the table, which you will see, 
was defeated by Lord North. This being 
the mode of redress recommended by 
Lord North, and now rejected will, no 
doubt, turn every American in opposi- 
tion, and convince them that nothing but 
absolute submission to Parliament will 
suffice, or decide it by the sword ; which 
last alternative must be the case, as 
America never will, unless compelled, 
submit. They have begun this day (July 
4 th ) to enlist men, and it is said they are 
coming in very fast. 



July 20 th 1775. This day has been 
observed, as a solemn fast, and sermons 
were preached in all the churches, suit- 
able to the times. There never was a 
time, when fasting and prayer, were more 
necessary, for we are living upon a vol- 
cano, which at any time may burst forth. 

Sep. 4 th 1775. The City has been 
pretty quiet for some days past, though 
two boats have been burnt, supposed to 
have belonged to a sloop from Staats- 
burgh, with provisions for the man of war, 
though one of them belonged to an armed 
tender of the latter vessel. People still 
continue moving their effects out of town. 

We fear having very troublesome times 
here, the accounts from home are un- 
favorable, and the men of war have very 
strict orders to enforce obedience, the 
Ministry being determined to support 
Parliament, though, it is thought, internal 
taxation will be given up. 

It is said the Governor has sent the 
Mayor an extract of a letter from Lord 
Dartmouth, informing him that orders are 
sent to all men of war, to prevent all 
forts and batteries from being erected, 
and, if they should attempt to build any, 
or the inhabitants should move any of the 
cannon, &c which belong to the King, 
to fire on the towns and cities, until they 
desist. I hear they are going on with the 
fort at West Point, and my carpenter, 
John Adams, has gone up as head work- 

[There is a journal by Montressor, who 
also gives many very interesting details 
of events in connection with this period, 
which, however, he views with a military 
rather than with a mercantile eye.] 



Translated for the Magazine of American History 

[The following article is by no means 
exhaustive, yet it gives interesting facts, 
especially with reference to the survivors 
of the Colony on Sable Island. As early as 
1507 Aubert of Dieppe was in the Bay of 
St. Lawerence with his ship, the Pensee ; 
while in 1527 eleven sail of Norman ves- 
sels were at St. John's, Newfoundland.] 

During the first years of the 16th cen- 
tury the merchants of Rouen seemed to 
think of nothing but maritime voyages ; 
the tales of the distant enterprises of 
Bethencourt and others were not for- 
gotten, and their memory seemed to 
arouse the ambitions of our merchants 
and sow in their minds the seeds of pro- 
jects the execution of which was sooner 
or later to enrich them ; but too prudent 
to wish themselves too far in the track 
of the discoverers toward the island as 
yet little known, they confined themselves 
to voyages to Newfoundland to fish for 
cod. From the year 1508 some vessels 
attempted this voyage ; they were of a 
tonnage varying from 60 to 90 tons ; 
among others I name the Bonne-Aven- 
ture, Captain Jacques de Rufosse ; the 
Sibille and the Michel, belonging to 
Jehan Blondel, then the Marie-de-Bonne 
Nouvelles, fitted out by Guillaume Da- 
gyncourt, Nicolas Duport and Leys 
Luce, tradesmen who had formed a com- 
pany ; the command of the vessel was 
entrusted to Captain Jean Dieulois. But 
after the year 1527 it seems that our 
merchants gave up their attempts in this 
direction. To restore their hope and 



courage nothing less than the effort to 
colonize Canada and other neighboring 
islands entrusted in 1540 by Francis the 
First to Jean Francois de la Roque sieur 
de Roberval. In fact after the month of 
January and February, 1541 (1542), more 
than 60 vessels set sail not to aid in the 
colonization of New France but simply 
" to go to fish for cod in the new found 
lands." In 1543, 1544 and 1545 this 
ardor continued, and during the months 
of January and February about two ves- 
sels a day went out from Rouen, Havre, 
Dieppe and Honfleur. But after 1545, the 
French government failing in its attempt 
and our merchants no longer finding the 
security necessary to their traffic, the 
movement almost wholly ceased. It be- 
gun again in 1560, and I have counted 
38 ships which left the little ports of 
fumieges, Vattaille and la Bonille dur- 
ing the months of January and February 
" to make the voyage to the new found 
lands." The tonnage was already larger, 
and although ships of 70 tons were still 
to be found, the greater numbers reached 
100, 120, 140 and 150 tons. 

It was perhaps this renewal of the re- 
lation of our merchants with Newfound- 
land that inspired the French government 
with the idea of a new attempt to colo- 
nize and lay hands upon Canada in 1564. 
The proof of the attempt is found in an 
act recorded by the notaries of Rouen the 
1 8th April of this year. This was an agree- 
ment by the terms of which " Robert 
Gouel of Rouen, sells to Messire Guil- 
laume le Beau receiver General of the 
Finances of the King in his marine, to 
wit : 

" 50 ladles (louchets) at 12 sous each ; 

" 5° houzeaux at 10 sous each ; 

"25 manes ; 

"25 axes at 12 sous each; 

" 50 bill hooks at 6 sous each ; 

"The whole to be taken to New 
France where the King is now sending 
for his service" 

A few days before the 7th April noble 
man Jehan Gamier sieur de Vestry, lieu- 
tenant of the company of Captain La- 
grange, had given "receipt to same 
Guillaume le Beau for a sum of 400 livres 
to be employed in the purchase of Arque- 
buses and supplies necessary for the 
Fiench infantry which it is the pleasure 
of the King to be now sending to his New 
France for the defence thereof and for 
the service of his said Majesty under the 
orders of Sieur Lagrange, Colonel of the 
French infantry." 

These two acts until now unknown are 
very important, because they prove that 
notwithstanding the check of 1541 to 
1543, France did not lose sight of the 
colonization of Canada. 

History, however, not mentioning the 
new attempt of 1564, we are tempted 
to believe that it did not result in any- 

Thirty-two years more passed in com- 
plete inaction; but in 1597 Henry the 
Fourth, freed from his struggle against the 
League, took in hand the conquest of 
Canada. He charged Messire Treslus 
de Mesgonets, Marquis de la Roche, to 
organize a fleet for this purpose, and by 
letters-patent of the 16th January, 1598, 
he invested him with the title of his 
" Lieutenant-General of the Sable Isl- 
and, Newfoundland, Canada, Ochillaga : 
Labrador, the river of the Great Bay of 
Norumbega and adjacent countries, and 
this with the power to build, equip, 



command, govern," etc. (Parliament of 
Normandy, Act of the 2d March, 1598). 

Still, notwithstanding the ardent desire 
of the King, the fleet was not in a condi- 
tion to put to sea until the month of Jan- 
uary, 1599. The Marquis de la Roche, 
after long deliberation with the Parlia- 
ment, finally sailed with a group of colo- 
nists composed of two hundred and fifty 
men and women condemned to the gal- 
leys, but on their arrival at Sable Island 
the colonists revolted, and with the ex- 
ception of fifty, refused to disembark, and 
compelled de la Roche to bring them 
back to France. His mission expired 
some time after. 

As for the fifty unfortunate creatures 
who had consented to disembark, they 
were not long in repenting of it. Aban- 
doned, without a guide,' without provis- 
ions of any kind, without ammunition and 
almost without arms, badly clothed and 
without shelter, they were immediately 
engaged in a struggle with all kinds of 
distress at once. In the heart of winter 
they had nothing to protect them against 
the cold, the wind, and the rain. Obliged 
to provide their own nourishment, they 
had no other resource than fishing and 
hunting. The land, not having been cul- 
tivated, could supply them no food. 
Four years were passed in this way, dur- 
ing which the fifty suffered every imagi- 
nable ill ; many succumbed, but the more 
robust, little by little becoming familiar 
with misery, employed their industry to 
ameliorate their lot. They set themselves 
to hunt the beaver and the seal, and after 
clothing themselves with the skins of their 
first victims, they continued the chase, 
and as they thought of a possible deliver- 
ance and of their return to France, they 

collected skins in the hope of then 
drawing a profit from them. 

When leaving Sable Island, the Mar- 
quis de la Roche was well aware of the 
sad lot which awaited the fifty unhappy 
creatures whom he left behind him. This 
idea at last so beset him, that he could 
not resist the desire to succor them or 
bring them back to their country. To 
this end he made a bargain with a ship 
captain named Thomassin Chef d'hostel, 
and engaged him to go to Sable Island 
to the relief of these unfortunates, and to 
bring them home if they desired it. 

In September, 1603, Chef d'hostel 
reached Sable Island, but in place of the 
fifty men disembarked in February, 1599, 
he found no more than eleven ; thirty- 
nine had succumbed in this interval of 
four years and six months. 

The names of these eleven men of 
Rouen merit preservation ; they were : 

Jacques Simon, called la Riviere, 

Olivier Delin, 

Dichel Heulin, 

Robert Piquet, 

Mathusin Saint-Gilles, 

Gilles le Bultel, 

Jacques Simoneaux, 

Francois Prevostel, 

Loys Deschamps, 

Geuffrin Viret, 

Francois Delestre. 

To the Marquis de la Roche was suc- 
ceeded the quality of Lieutenant of the 
King in Canada, Pierre Chauvin Seigneur 
du Tontuit, resident of Honfleur. He 
had capital in commerce as the associate 
of Henri Couillard, also of Honfleur. 
They owned two ships, the Do?i-de-Dieu 
and I Esperance, with which on joint ac- 
count with Gion Diez they had made, for 



several years, frequent voyages to Can- 
ada. Besides this, Chauvin du Tontuit 
was associated in the commercial opera- 
tions of Jean Gouvemeur seigneur de la 
Villepoix, of Jean Martin seigneur de la 
Guerandaie, of Jean Sarcel seigneur de 
Prevert, and of several other merchants 
of the town of Saint-Malo, all concerned 
with Canada. 

Chauvin du Tontuit, who cared little 
for the colonization of New France, but 
who wished, however, to preserve the 
greatest possible amount of influence 
there, and having been acquainted at 
Saint-Malo with a worthy man by the 
name of Grave, called de Pont-Grave, 
who was anxious to aid in the conversion 
of the savages and the colonization of 
this rich country, attached him to himself 
and had him named in his place Lieuten- 
ant-General of Canada, with the exclusive 
privilege of the fur trade. 

With a man of the character of M. du 
Tontuit the good intentions of Pont- 
Grave could not arrive at any result ; 
but in 1603 he died, and left Pont-Grave 
free to follow out his generous inspira- 
tions ; however, after the death of the 
Marquis de la Roche, the King limited 
himself to maintaining a simple lieuten- 
ant in Canada. Upon the death of du 
Tontuit, he appointed Aymar de Chastes, 
who had for a long time been Governor 
of Dieppe, his lieutenant-general over the 
whole colony. Unfortunately, this gov- 
ernor hardly entered into possession of 
his command, for, appointed in 1602, he 
died at the beginning of 1603. 

It was at this moment that Champlain, 
arriving from the Antilles, entered into 
an understanding with de Chastes for an 
extensive expedition to the river Saint 

Lawrence ; but, in consequence of the 
death of de Chastes, the affair went no 

To succeed de Chastes, Henry the 
Fourth selected the Sieur de Montz, a 
capable and worthy man, but a Protes- 
tant ; the Parliament for this sole reason 
endeavored to refuse to register his out- 
fit, but the King held firm and the Parlia- 
ment had to yield. 

During all these deliberations, de 
Montz was at Rouen, organized a fleet 
there, and formed a commercial associa- 
tion with the merchants of the cities of 
Rouen, la Rochelle, and Saint-Jean-de- 
Lux, who were represented by an agent 
named Samuel Georges, a trader of la 
Rochelle, and by a Sieur Macain. For 
his share in the association, de Montz 
paid ten thousand livres into the hand of 
Corneille de Bellois, merchant of Rouen. 
The act of association is very long and 
quite interesting. It is dated at Rouen, 
10th February, 1604, and bears the sig- 
natures of Pierre Dugna, de Bellois, 
Georges, the notaries, and the witnesses. 

Grave or de Pont-Grave being at 
Rouen at the same time as de Montz, 
they left together in March, 1604, on the 
ship la Bonne-Renommee, which was com- 
manded by Captain Morel; arrived in 
Acadia they found Champlain there, and 
all three entered into an understanding 
to give to the commerce in beaver and 
seal skins the greatest possible exten- 

The fisheries also were to play a large 
part in their speculations. But discord 
soon divided the associates and delayed 
the colonization dreamed of by Cham- 
plain, de Montz and Pont-Grave. 

The death of Henry IV. completed the 



disorders which had reigned in Acadia 
since 1606, for the country had been left 
without a governor and its future en- 
trusted to lieutenants who without any 
purpose governed each one according to 
his own views. 

In 1612, however, King Louis the 
Thirteenth entrusted the Government of 
New France to the Count de Soissons, 
who, dying before he could enter upon 
his government, was succeeded in No- 
vember of the same year by the Prince 
de Conde, who, in 1620, was succeeded 
in his turn by the Duke de Montmorency, 
who was named Viceroy of Canada and 
New France. 

It seems to me unnecessary to follow 
the history of the Government of Canada 
any further. By, what has preceded I 
have only sought to show that the City of 
Rouen was, after and even much before 
the attempt of Roberval, the common cen- 
tre, the general counting-house where the 
affairs of the interests of this colony were 
discussed. To be satisfied of this it is 
only necessary to cast the eye over the 
numerous acts of the scriveners and on 
the acts of Parliament, upon the affairs of 
the associates, the persons interested, and 
the Governors. Up to the appointment 
of the Duke de Montmorency five com- 
mercial associations had in competition 
with each other, undertaken the trade of 
New France, but after his appointment one 
single one absorbed them all and obtained 
thereby a privilege of fifteen years, which 
gave rise to a great number of law suits ; 
this was the famous Montmorency Com- 
pany. These suits reveal to us names 
which it is perhaps well for us to collect. 
They are Daniel Boyer, Guillaume Lebre- 
ton, Mathieu dTnsterlo, Pierre Fermanel, 

Jean Pepin, Guyonne Pepin, Julien Ar- 
thur, Frangois Poree, Richard Boullain, 
Thomas Poree, Guillaume Decaen, Jean- 
Jacques Dollu, Arnault de Nouveau Ro- 
queur, Honel, Lattaignaut, Dablon, Du- 
chesne, Catillon, and still others. 

[From " Documents Authentiques et inedits 
pour servir a l'histoire de la Marine Normande 
et du Commerce Rouennais pendunt les XVIe et 
XVIIe Siecles. Par E. Gosselin. Imprimerie de 
Henry Boisel. Rouen, 1876."] 

The secret service — With reference 
to the recent article [vm. 95] on the Se- 
cret Service of the Revolution, the fol- 
lowing letter, copied from the original, 
in the possession of Mrs. Andrew Nor- 
wood, may be of interest : 

11 Headquarters, West Point, 
"Oct. 8 th , 1779. 

" D r Sir : It is very interesting at this 
moment to be well informed of the Ene- 
my's shipping which may take place in the 
sound. I wish you therefore to station 
an intelligent officer in such a situation 
as may be perfectly adopted for this pur- 
pose. He is to be careful in observing 
the size and number of all vessels and 
whether there may be troops on board, 
either in coming to or going from New 
York, and in transmitting you every two 
or three days a diary of his observations. 
But when any extraordinary appearance 
of vessels take's place he is to make his 
communication to you without waiting 
these periods, which you will transmit to 
me as soon as possible. 

" I am with regard 

li Y r most obe* Serv' 

"G° Washington. 

" Major Tallmadge." 




Congress and monuments — It is 
doubtful if any session of Congress has 
had so many resolutions before it to 
assist in the erection of monuments as 
the present one. 1. Monmouth is pre- 
sented by New Jersey, as Saratoga has 
already been successfully urged by New- 
York. Jersey citizens have subscribed 
Si 0,000 for a monument on the historic 
field, and the State, which will have the 
matter in charge, has added $10,000 
more. Congress is now petitioned to 
appropriate $20,000, and will doubtless 
do so, the condition being that the monu- 
ment shall be completed for the $40,000 
thus secured. Senator McPherson, of 
New Jersey, made an eloquent speech in 
behalf of the project on March 16. 2. 
Newberg, N. Y., is anxious to have Con- 
gress erect a memorial column at the 
Washington headquarters in that place, 
and to assist in defraying the expenses of 
the celebration to be held there in 1883. 
Representative Beach has introduced a 
joint resolution to this effect. 3. The 
memory of Francis Scott Key, author of 
the " Star- Spangled Banner," is sought to 
be embalmed by the Maryland Legisla- 
ture, and that body requests Congress to 
take part in the erection of a monument 
in his honor. 4. Andre's Captors : Mr. 
Hutchins, of New York, has introduced 
a bill authorizing the erection of a monu- 
ment to their memory, and a petition has 
been presented to the House for an ap- 
propriation to " purchase lands adjacent 
to the spot on which Andre was cap- 
tured." 5. All obstacles to the title of 
the ground having been removed, the 
proposed monument over Jefferson's 

grave, to cost $10,000, will now be 
pushed forward. 6. Mr. Geddes, of 
Ohio, introduced a joint resolution, March 
14, for a monument at Wyandot Mission, 
upper Sandusky, Ohio. 

But how much attention some of these 
projects will receive is unhappily fore- 
shadowed in the fact that nothing has 
been done in favor of the bill introduced 
two years ago by Mr. Singleton, of Illi- 
nois, to put a monument over Daniel 
Morgan's grave at Winchester, Va., and 
also by the recent report of the House 
Library Committee to dismiss the con- 
sideration of a bill presented some time 
since in favor of assisting in the erection 
of monuments on all the battlefields of 
the Revolution. 

The andre* shaft — The three attempts 
to destroy the Andre monument, erected 
by Mr. Cyrus W. Field at Tap pan, are 
perhaps less noticeable than the apparent 
indifference of the public or the press re- 
specting what would be commonly styled 
an "outrage." Denunciation would have 
waxed high over any similar attempt to 
mutilate the monument in honor of An- 
dre's captors, standing on the opposite 
side of the Hudson. The Tappan shaft 
is represented as being on the verge of 
falling, the base having been badly 
shattered by the explosions on the nights 
of March 31 and April 1. 

So far from deterring Mr. Field from 
erecting more monuments, it is to be 
hoped that he will now urge with all the 
more vigor the too long deferred project 
of a memorial to Nathan Hale. Had that 
gone up first, and in handsome shape, 
possibly the Andre stone, erected after- 



ward, would have escaped the notoriety it 
is otherwise rapidly acquiring. 

The ricketts family — This family, 
which had large estates in the island of 
Jamaica, intermarried with the Waltons, 
of New York, and a daughter was the 
mother of Colonel Philip Van Cortlandt, 
the Tory officer about whom inquiry is 
made in the Magazine [n. 500]. 

There is a ghost story concerning the 
Ricketts family and a house they once 
occupied in Hampshire, which may be 
found circumstantially narrated in the 
memoirs of Ingoldsby Barham. With 
Captain Ricketts (who was afterward 
Lord St. Vincent) the subject, we are 
told, was a very sore one to the day of 
his death. The alliance of this family 
with that of Walton probably came 
about through the latter's being largely 
engaged in trade with the West Indies 
and Spanish Main. C. 

The wheatfield near bemus' 

HEIGHTS, OCTOBER 2, I 722 Mr. John 

H. Myers, of Saratoga, has taken consid- 
erable pains to investigate regarding the 
statements of the speakers at Bemus' 
Heights and Schuylerville, that a portion 
of " Burgoyne's army went into a wheat- 
field, October 7, 1722, and began to cut 
the straw." He has found among some 
of the oldest inhabitants there a well au- 
thenticated tradition that Burgoyne led 
his army that day into a field of wheat, 
which its owner had abandoned without 
harvesting on the approach of the British 
army in August, and as it was between 
the two armies it was still standing, more 
or less, October 7. This probably was 
the fact, and may be taken to verify the 

statements made by John Austin Stevens 
at Bemus' Heights (September 9, 1777), 
and William L. Stone at Schuylerville, 
on the authority of Adjutant-General 
Wilkinson. Iulus 

The ancients in America — M. Paul 
Gaffarel has completed a series of elabo- 
rate articles dealing with the question of 
a supposed discovery of America by the 
ancients. The conclusions at which he 
arrives are that the Greeks and Romans 
discovered the Canaries, and perhaps 
some c other groups of islands to the west 
of them, but that they never set foot 
upon American soil. He ridicules the 
alleged discovery of Greek coins in 
America, and the speculations as to the 
Greek or Aryan origin of the Quichera 
language. The ancients, nevertheless, 
possessed some knowledge of the exist- 
ence of America, for the " Indians " men- 
tioned by Pliny and Pomponius Mela as 
having been cast upon the shores of 
Northern Europe, and sent to Metelius 
Celer, the proconsul of Gaul, were 
American " Indians," and not Asiatics. 
These articles will be found in the Revue 
de Geographie. J. C. B. 

The americanistes — As a practical 
result of the recent American Congress 
at Madrid, it is proposed to publish, un- 
der the title of " Biblioteca de los Ameri- 
canistos," a series of works connected 
with the history and the languages of the 
New World. Some of these have been 
printed long ago, but are now excessively 
rare ; others are still in MS. The list 
contains about thirty volumes dealing 
with history, and about twelve dealing 
with languages. Each will have a short 



bibliography, notes, and' an index. The 
first to appear, announced for the end of 
December, will be the " Recordacion 
florida of Capitain Fuentes y Guzman " 
(MS. 1690). The edition will be lim- 
ited to 500 numbered copies, and intend- 
ing subscribers should address themselves 
to D. Jose Santalo, calle de la Colegiata 
6, Madrid. — The Academy, Nov. 19, 
1881. J. CB. 

Gen. Montgomery's farm — To be 
sold at Vendue, on the second day of Oc- 
tober next, on the farm of Mrs. Mont- 
gomery, at Rhinebeck. A considerable 
quantity of houshold furniture, of the 
genteelest and best Kind, together with 
the stock on the said farm, consisting of 
horses, cows, sheep, oxen, and young 
cattle, with a number of carriages, and a 
variety of other articles. 

N. B. — Said farm, together with a very 
genteel dwelling-house, to be let, either 
with or without houshold furniture, stock 
and implements of husbandry. — N. Y. 
Journal, Sept. 29, 1777. 

Some days since a Negro man with a 
sleigh and two horses, the property of 
Mrs. Montgomery, were lost at Rhine- 
beck, by falling through the ice. — N Y. 
Packet, Jatiuary 21, 1779. W. K. 

Boston taverns — Taverns were early 
mentioned by names more or less per- 
sonal and peculiar. One of the first 
mentioned is the State Arms, where the 
magistrates usually dieted and drank, in 
King Street, 1653 ; Ship Tavern, in Ann 
Street, 1666 ; Bunch of Grapes, in King 
Street, 1724; King's Head Tavern, near 
Fleet Street, 1758; Queen's Head, in 
Lynn Street, 1732 ; Ship in Distress, an 

ancient tavern opposite Moon Street ; 
and of the "ordinaries" spoken of by 
Cotton Mather were taverns ; they were 
numerous enough, and were known as 
ale-houses, or, as Mather says, " hell 
houses." — Whieldoris Curiosities of His- 

Massachusetts in homespun — We 
have the pleasure of informing the public 
that several of his Majesty's Council 
and many of the house of representatives, 
now sitting, appear compleatly cloathed 
the manufacture of this country ; a num- 
ber of the clergy are also cloathed and 
cloathing themselves therewith. — Such 
examples cannot' fail to excite the imita- 
tion of others at a time when it is uni- 
versally agreed that the political salvation 
of this Continent depends upon promot- 
ing frugality and manufactures. — Extracts 
from Boston News Letter, January 25, 
[1768] from an English fiewspaper in the 
" Chatham Clippings" Iulus 


The Mayflower — The beautiful flower 
which bears this name, and known to 
science as Epigea repens, is found along 
the Atlantic seacoast from Maine to Vir- 
ginia, never growing inland far from tide- 
water. Can any one tell how long it 
has borne this name, and by whom it 
was first applied ? Was it so named at 
Plymouth with reference to the ship which 
brought the Brownists over from Leyden ? 
In Massachusetts this flower is in its 
prime in April, I believe, and I do not 
think it took its name from the month. 




Camoens — About two years ago the 
Portuguese celebrated with much spirit 
the festival of their great poet, and many 
publications were brought out in connec- 
tion with the subject. Can any one refer 
the writer to any publication in the 
American press referring to the anniver- 
sary or to any translation of Camoens 
published in this country ? Acor 

Portraits, letters — Do portraits ex- 
ist of Joseph Hawley, of Northampton, 
Mass., who helped notably in bringing 
matters to a crisis in 1775; of Brigadier- 
General Enoch Poor, of New Hampshire, 
who died in 1780 ; of Major-Gen. S. H. 
Parsons, of the Revolution, afterward 
prominent in Ohio matters ; of Col. Isaac 
Sherman, of the Connecticut line ; of Col. 
John Brown, who fell at Stone Arabia in 
1 780 ; of Captain Kirkwood, who com- 
manded the Delaware battalion in the 
South and who was killed in St. Clair's 
defeat; or of Brig.-Gen. John Paterson, 
of Massachusetts, who after the war set- 
tled in Central New York and was elected 
to Congress? 

A gentleman preparing certain memo- 
rial sketches is anxious to ascertain 
whether letters are preserved written by 
or to the following subordinate officers of 
the Revolution. They were mainly of 
the Connecticut troops : Cols. Giles Rus- 
sell, Thomas Grosvenor, John Chandler, 
Ebenezer Gray, Captains William Colfax, 
Henry Champion, Thomas Y. Seymour, 
Richard Sill, Ezra Selden, and David 
Bushnell. Selden 

Cost of the revolutionary war to 
France — Does any published record ex- 
ist showing how much money France ex- 

pended in maintaining her American al- 
liance in 1778-82? How far are we 
responsible for running her into the fright- 
ful bankruptcy that brought about her own 
Revolution? Definite figures would be 

Penterarese's — On a plan of Fort 
Bedford, Pa., outside of the fort and close 
to Juniata Creek, are two buildings 
marked Penterarese's. What is the mean- 
ing or signification of the word ? 

Isaac Craig 

Alleghany, Pa. 

Salt river — The defeated party in a 
political campaign, especially in a Presi- 
dential campaign, is usually spoken of as 
sent "up Salt River." What was the 
origin of this phrase ? * 


French discovery of the Missis- 
sippi [viii. 139, 226]— Moved by the 
distress caused by the recent floods, the 
people of New Orleans gave up the 
pleasure of celebrating the bi-centennial 
of La Salle's discovery of the mouths of 
the Mississippi, April 9 th , but are not 
likely to give up his claim of being an 
original discoverer. "Delta's" doubt as 
to whether any Frenchman — La Salle or 
the Jesuit Fathers before him — can be 
regarded as the true discoverer of the 
Mississippi is founded upon the prior 
explorations of our coast along the Gulf 
of Mexico by the Spaniards, and the fact 
that early Spanish maps show a river, 
the "Rio de S. Spirito," which is assumed 
to correspond to the Mississippi. Un- 



doubtedly the Spaniards skirted the Gulf 
coast long before the French even set 
foot in Canada and must have known 
something of the streams that flowed 
southward. But how much did they 
know ? There's a piece of history to 
unravel. Early charts are valuable as 
indications, but as evidence of actual 
exploration not always infallible. 

Now as to the French, did they go 
hunting for the Spaniards' Mississippi 
or explore it as their own discovery? 
Here " Delta" indulges in the very posi- 
tive statement that " Joliet, La Salle, and 
the rest of the French explorers beyond 
question were familiar with the well- 
known ' Histoire Universelle,' and when 
they found themselves on the Mississippi, 
they knew perfectly well that they were 
sailing on the waters of the 'Rio de S. 
Spirito.' " If this is a fact, it is certainly 
interesting, but all the more should it 
carry with it the assurance of proof. 
"Beyond question" after all may be a 
question. One thing at least is puzzling, 
if "Delta" is right. The early Jesuits 
seem to be entirely silent about the do- 
ings of the Spaniards down at the Gulf. 
If they were looking up the Rio de S. 
Spirito and trying to find its source in 
the north, they must have speculated in 
regard to it, and the name of the Span- 
iard must have frequently appeared in 
their writings, whereas, on the contrary, 
he is very rarely mentioned. It was the 
Indian, not the Spaniard, who first hinted 
at the existence of a mighty stream run- 
ning through the continent to the Gulf. 
This is clearly the burden of the well- 
known accounts or " Relations " of the 
Jesuits. Take the "Relation" of 1660, 
for instance, where we probably have the 

first mention of the Mississippi. There 
the pious Jesuit records that through the 
Indians it is learned that beyond the 
Lakes was to be seen a noble river, or 
as he describes it, "une belle riviere, 
grande, large, profonde, et comparable, 
disent-ils, a notre grand fleure de S. Law- 
rens." Later "Relations" continue in 
the same vein — a river about which the 
Indians say much. So, still later, when 
Charlevoix wrote his history of New 
France, he had this to say on the sub- 
ject : " It was known in general by the 
reports of the Indians that there was in 
the west of New France, a great river, 
called Mechassippi by some and Micis- 
sippi by others, which flowed neither north 
nor east ; hence no doubt was enter- 
tained that by its means, communication 
might be opened either with the Gulf of 
Mexico if it ran South, or with the Pa- 
cific, if it flowed west to empty there ; 
and whichever course it took, great bene- 
fits were expected. The intendant did 
not wish to leave America without throw- 
ing light on this important point ; he 
confided this exploration to Father Mar- 
quette, who had already traversed almost 
all the countries of Canada, and who was 
highly esteemed by the Indians." No 
query anywhere as to whether this was 
the Spanish river, supposing the French 
Fathers ever saw the Spanish map, but 
plenty of doubt as to where it emptied. 

Much more might be quoted to the 
same effect. Marquette and Joliet, the 
first Frenchmen to sail down the Mis- 
sissippi, fail to allude to the possibility 
of its being the Rio de S. Spirito, and 
went no farther than to assure themselves 
that it flowed to the Gulf. It was all a 
new discovery to them, as new as it was 



to De Soto or Cabaca de Veca more 
than a century before. La Salle com- 
pleted the exploration to the mouth, and 
when he undertook his second expedi- 
tion to the same point, he sailed around 
into the Gulf and attempted to find the 
mouths through which he had descended 
three years before. The maps of the 
expedition thus show Spanish names — 
such as the Bay of St. Esprit — along the 
Gulf coast. 

Another reference in this connection 
is both curious and pertinent — an extract 
from the report (1686) of the English 
Governor Dongan at New York to the 
Home authorities, respecting French en- 
croachments in the West. He encloses 
a map showing the frontier posts and 
adds: "Alsoe it [the map] points out 
where theres a great River discovered 
by one Lassal a Frenchman from Can- 
ada, who thereupon went into France, 
and as its reported brought two or three 
vessels with people to settle them which 
(if true) will prove not only very incon-" 
venient to us, but to the Spanish alsoe 
(the River running all along from our 
Lakes by the back of Virginia and Caro- 
lina into the Bay of Mexico), and its 
believed Nova Mexico cannot bee far 
from the mountains adjoyning to it, that 
place being $6 d North Latitude." The 
governor then says, with an eye to the 
same claim to the great West, " If your 
Lo ps thought it fit I could send a sloop 
or "two from this place to Discover that 

If " Delta" succeeds in fixing the fact 
"beyond question" that, notwithstand- 
ing the above, the French knew they 
were discovering nothing new in sailing 
down the Mississippi, but were following 

out a "well-known" Spanish river, some 
chapters of early Western history will 
have to be remodelled. Alpha 

Battle of the kegs [viii. 143] — In 
the New Jersey Gazette for January 21, 
1778, there is a spicy letter, giving an ac- 
count of this matter, which purports to 
have come from Philadelphia. It is said 
therein that a suspicious looking keg 
floated down the Delaware to the city 
about New Year's time, 1778, which ex- 
ploded and injured some boys who had 
rowed out in a boat to examine it. 
Later, on the 5th, more kegs made their 
appearance, whereupon the British men- 
of-war opened a furious cannonade up- 
on and demolished them. The tale is 
highly wrought, and probably contains 
more humor than fact, the Pennsylva- 
nia Ledger ; of February nth, for in- 
stance, stating that the kegs frightened 
nobody, and that they were saluted with 
but a few shot, fired by some of the trans- 
ports. Neither account states where 
the kegs came from, but both Colonel 
Humphreys and Surgeon Thacher say 
that David Bushnell, the torpedo inventor 
in 1776, started them down from some 
point above the city for the purpose of 
blowing up one or more of the enemy's 
ships. "About Christmas, 1777," says 
Humphreys in his " Life of Putnam," " he 
[Bushnell] committed to the Delaware 
a number of kegs, destined to fall among 
the British fleet at Philadelphia, but his 
squadron of kegs, having been separated 
and retarded by the ice, demolished but 
a single boat." As to the time when the 
kegs reached the shipping in any number, 
the Philadelphia letter says : " Monday, 
the 5th of January, 1778, must ever be 



distinguished in history for the memorable 
Battle of the Kegs." Readers familiar 
with the songs of the Revolution will re- 
call Hon. Francis Hopkinson's witty- 
ditty inspired by the event. Torpedo 

The battle of the kegs [viii. 143] 
happened early on the morning of Janu- 
ary 7, 1778. The kegs, which caused 
such great alarm, were constructed and 
set adrift at Bordentown by some Whig 
citizens for the purpose of destroying the 
British shipping moored in a long line in 
the Delaware in front of Philadelphia. 
The kegs were filled with gunpowder, and 
were to be exploded by a spring-lock 
when they came in contact with the ves- 
sel's bottom. To enable them to go 
under the ships the kegs were suspended 
at a considerable depth under water to 
buoys ; the kegs could not be seen, but 
the buoys were visible. It happened, 
however, that the night previous the ves- 
sels were hauled into the docks to avoid 
the floating ice, then rapidly forming, and 
thus escaped mischief. 

Bushnell, the inventor of the keg torpe- 
does, had, in 1776, invented a "Marine 
Turtle," an account of which will be 
found in " Lossing's Field-Book of the 
Revolution," ii., 608, and in Sparks' 
"Life and Writings of Washington," ix., 
I 34-i35- Isaac Craig 

Alleghany, Pa. 

The convention of Saratoga [hi. 232] 
— Professor Green, in his article under 
this head, quotes from a letter of Wash- 
ington to Heath, of 25th [ ], a pas- 
sage which shows his anxiety as to the un- 
fortunate consequences of an early return 

of Burgoyne's captive army to Great Brit- 
ain — a further letter to Heath shows to 
what lengths he was willing to go to delay 
that event to the last possible moment. 
Writing from his headquarters at White- 
marsh, on November 5, 1777, he said : " I 
do not think it is to our interest to expedite 
the passage of the prisoners to England ; 
for you may depend upon it that they 
will, immediately upon their arrival there, 
throw them into different garrisons, and 
bring out an equal number. Now if 
they sail in December, they may arrive 
time enough to take the places of others 
who may be out in May, which is as early 
as a campaign can be well entered upon. 
I look upon it that their principal diffi- 
culty will arise from the provisions for 
the voyage ; and therefore, although I 
would supply them with every article 
agreeable to stipulation, I would not fur- 
nish an ounce for sea-store, nor suffer it 
to be purchased in the country." 

Benedict Arnold, jr. — " Campbell's 
Life and Writings of DeWitt Clinton" 
contains a private journal kept by Clinton 
in 1810, in which, writing of Amsterdam, 
N. Y., he says : " In this place we saw a 
sign, Benedict Arnold & Co.'s Store, in 
large characters, and another, B. Arnold, 
who appeared to be a chairmaker. I was 
informed that the traitor, Gen. Arnold, 
has two sons resident in this country, who 
behave well." In Arnold's " Life of Ben- 
edict Arnold " it is stated that, " He died 
October 24, 1795, at Iron Shore, on the 
north side of the island of Jamaica." ]f 
the last statement is correct, as I pre- 
sume it is, who was the Arnold at Amster- 
dam in 18 10? Isaac Craig 

Alleghany, Pa. 



The proposed duel — W. K. [vn. 
65] is in error in locating the proposed 
Gates-Wilkinson duel at " Yorktown, 
Westchester Co., N. Y." The challenge 
was sent and received, and the duel was 
to have taken place here (York, Pa.), 
where Congress was then in session, and 
Gates in attendance as President of the 
Board of War. The "English" (Protes- 
tant Episcopal) Church, in the rear of 
which the parties were to meet, is still 
standing on North Beaver Street, and 
used as a place of worship. 

But W. K. further states that a meeting 
actually occurred between the parties on 
the 4th of September following, " at the 
same place." Was the same place York, 
Pa., or Yorktown, Westchester Co., N. 
Y.? As W. K. remarks, there is no 
mention of this meeting in Wilkinson's 
memoirs. M. S. Eichelberger 

Another Washington letter — In 
your February number of the Magazine 
[vin. 141] I notice a Washington let- 
ter, dated from same place, at nearly the 
same time one in my possession was writ- 
ten. I copy below. 

H. P. Albert. 

" To Jabez Hartington Esq f 
" Sheriff of the County of 

Windham Conn* 

" Gideon Evans, now a prisoner and 
confined by military warrant in the Gaol 
of said County, you will hereby deliver in 
charge to the Corporal's Guard. 

" G. Washington. 
" Headquarters 
" New Windsor 
u April 9 th 1781." 


The new york historical society— 
At the April meeting, Mr. Henry C. Van 
Schaack, of Manlius, read a paper on the 
Literary Ubiquity of Shakspere, which 
embodied very interesting facts in con- 
nection with the presentation of a copy of 
Shakspere' s plays to Captain Thomas 
Morris, by an Indian of the Northwest, 
in 1664. An article on Morris will ap- 
pear in the Magazine at a future time. 
At this meeting, a paper was presented 
by William Allen Butler, on behalf of the 
Executive Committee, relating to the de- 
cease of Henry W. Longfellow, and the 
paper was approved by a vote of the 

NEW ENGLAND historic, genealogi- 
cal society — At the last meeting of this 
society the following petition was re- 
ported, embodying a statement respect- 
ing the Pueblo Indians, which ought to 
be considered : 

" To the Honorable the Senate of the 
United States — Your petitioners, the 
members of the New England Historic, 
Genealogical Society, would respectfully 
represent : That there are in the Terri- 
tories of New Mexico and Arizona twenty- 
six towns of the Pueblo Indians, so called, 
in all containing about 10,000 inhabit- 
ants ; that the number of their towns was 
once very much greater ; that those re- 
maining are the remnants of very ancient 
races in North America whose origin and 
history lie yet unknown in their decayed 
and decaying antiquities; that many of 
their towns have been abandoned by the 
decay and extinction of their inhabitants ; 
that many, of their relics have already 



perished, and so made the study of Amer- 
ican ethnology vastly more difficult ; 
that the question of the origin of the 
Pueblos and the age of their decayed 
cities and the use of some of their build- 
ings, now magnificent ruins, constitutes 
one of the leading and most interesting 
problems of the antiquarian and historian 
of the present age ; that relic hunters have 
carried and scattered wide through Amer- 
ica and Europe the remains of these ex- 
tinct towns, thus making their historic 
study still more difficult, and in some par- 
ticulars nearly impossible ; that the ex- 
tinct towns, the only monuments or inter- 
preters of these mysterious races, are now 
daily plundered and destroyed in an al- 
most vandal way ; that, for illustration, 
the ancient Spanish cathedral of Pecos, a 
building older than any now standing any- 
where within the thirteen original States, 
and built two years before the founding 
of Boston, the metropolis of New Eng- 
land, is being despoiled by the robbery of 
its graves, while its timbers are used for 
camp fires and sold to relic hunters, and 
even used in the construction of stables. 
Your petitioners therefore pray your hon- 
orable body that at least some of these 
extinct cities or pueblos, carefully selected, 
with the land reservations attached, and 
dating mostly from the Spanish Crown of 
1680, may be withheld from public sale, 
and their antiquities and ruins be pre- 
served, as they furnish invaluable data for 
the ethnological studies now engaging the 
attention of our most learned, scientific, 
antiquarian, and historical students." 

After remarks by Dr. Barrows, it was 
unanimously voted that the memorial be 
signed by the president and the corre- 
sponding secretary and forwarded to one 

of our senators for presentation to Con- 

Mr. Edward Winslow, of Boston, then 
read a paper on " Rev. Joshua Moody 
and His Times." He came to this coun- 
try when a lad, with his father, William 
Moody, and graduated at Cambridge in 
1653. He first settled in Portsmouth, 
N. H., but in 1684 he became an associ- 
ate with Rev. Mr. Allen, of the First 
Church, Boston. As he could not con- 
sent to act with other ministers and judges 
in the condemnation of persons accused 
of witchcraft, he returned to Portsmouth 
in 1692. He died in Boston, July 4, 1697, 
while on a visit here for medical advice. 
He left one son and three daughters, 
whose marriages and descendants were 
stated, the author of the paper being one 
of the descendants. An interesting ac- 
count of the rescue, by Mr. Moody, of 
two worthy people confined in jail in Bos- 
ton on the charge of witchcraft and in 
danger of execution, was stated. 

CIETY — At the meeting of the American 
Geographical Society, in Chickering Hall, 
on the evening of April 13, Chief Justice 
Daly read a paper on " Spain and the 
Straits of Gibraltar in 1881." The paper 
was illustrated by stereopticon views, and 
was the result of Judge Daly's personal 
observations. While in Madrid he had a 
copy made of the most reliable known 
portrait of Christopher Columbus, and at 
the close of the reading, he presented it 
to the society. Judge Daly is possessed 
of a small box which once belonged, it is 
said, to the great discoverer. It is of 
silver, and bears his name and representa- 
tions of the three ships of Columbus 



worked in the old repousse style of the 
early part of the 15th century. It was 
purchased from a lateral descendant of 
the Admiral in Valladolid. It was the 
most valuable relic of Columbus seen by 
Judge Daly in Spain, and he saw all that 
are publicly preserved. The meeting of 
the Geographical Society was largely at- 
tended. General Cullum, one of the 
Vice-Presidents, occupied the Chair, and 
twelve new fellows were elected. 

recent war. Fourteen members were 
added to the society by election, and it 
is in a prosperous state. 

Georgia historical society — At the 
regular monthly meeting, at Hodgson 
Hall, Savannah, on the evening of the 
3d of April, General G. M. Sorrel, one 
of the Vice-Presidents in the Chair. Cap- 
tain J. D. Johnston read a paper on 
"Admiral Buchanan and the Confederate 
States Steam Ram Tennessee." It was 
full of interest, and the society requested 
a copy for its archives, and advised that 
measures should be taken for its publica- 
tion. Mrs. M. A. Goerz presented to the 
society a piece of Georgia currency of 
1777, of the value of one shilling. The 
sword of Capt. Wm. Bee was presented 
to the society,. by his son Mr. Bernard E. 
Bee. The blade is of Damascus steel, 
and on it may be seen a hornet with his 
sting through a peacock, a reminder of 
the novel battle between the Hornet, 
Capt. Lawrence, and the Peacock, in 
1813. Beneath the hornet is represented 
an American eagle in juxtaposition with 
a scared British lion. The sword was 
worn by Capt. Bee in nearly all the In- 
dian Battles of Gen'l Jackson, Emucksfair, 
Horseshoe, and others. The sword after- 
ward had an adventurous history, being 
lost for many years, and not coming to 
L jht again until the breaking out of the 

The new york genealogical and 
biographical society — A large audience 
met on Saturday evening, April 15, in the 
Hall of the New York Academy of Med- 
icine, President Henry T. Drowne, pre- 
siding, to take part in the thirteenth an- 
niversary meeting of the New York Gen- 
ealogical and Biographical Society. The 
Hon. Isaac N. Arnold of Illinois, a 
Member of Congress during the war 
period, and at present the President of 
the Chicago Historical Society, delivered 
an able address entitled " Reminiscences 
of Lincoln and of Congress during the 
Rebellion," which was full of interesting 
anecdotes and incidents of the speaker's 
recollections of that very memorable time. 
In the course of his address he said he 
believed that in time to come the Thirty- 
seventh and Thirty-eighth Congresses 
would be regarded with the respect and 
patriotic affection which is paid to the 
Revolutionary or Continental Congress, 
for upon them devolved the great duties 
of calling into the field and sustaining the 
great armies of the Union, of perfecting 
and adopting the system of finances which 
made it practicable to carry on the war, 
and, finally, of perfecting and passing the 
legislation which completed the work of 
emancipation and made the land forever 

The Massachusetts historical so- 
ciety — This Society held its ninety-first 
annual meeting April 13th, when the ses- 
sion was devoted chiefly to the memory 
of Longfellow, a member of the Society 



since 1857, though he belonged to the 
silent section. In the absence of Presi- 
dent Winthrop, Vice-President Ellis took 
the chair and spoke of the deceased poet 
in a most feeling and appreciative man- 
ner, paying a beautiful tribute to the poet 
and the man. Poet Holmes followed in 
a strain peculiar to himself, full of loving 
admiration, and showing that, with multi- 
tudes, Longfellow had made a reputation 
with half a dozen of his short poems, such 
as " The Psalm of Life," "Excelsior," 
and u Resignation." It would appear 
from his remarks that the secret of Long- 
fellow's success lay in his appeal to the af- 
fections, though Professor Norton seemed 
to be thinking of something more when 
he observed, with reference to the poet : 
11 He was fortunate in the time of his 
birth. He grew up in the morning of our 
republic. He shared in the cheerfulness 
of the early hour, in its hopefulness, in 
its confidence." Mr. William Everett 
also spoke ; and the occasion proved one 
of deep and even memorable interest. 
Perhaps no literary man of the age has 
enjoyed a truer estimate than that indi- 
cated with respect to Longfellow. 


SETTS Historical Society. Vol. XVIII., 
1880-1881. Published at the charge of the 
Peabody Fund. Pps. xx, 449. Boston : Pub- 
lished by the Society, 1881. 

The value and interest of this volume will be 
taken for granted, and therefore we may pro- 
ceed without delay to enumerate a portion of its 
contents, embracing, as it does, the proceedings 
of thirteen meetings, two of which were annual 
meetings, though in our mention we- will not fol- 
low the order of the contents, which begin with 
May, 1880. The first notable piece is the Diary 

of Edward Taylor, kept on his voyage from Eng- 
land to this country in 1668. It contains some 
curious entries. Afterward comes an interesting 
letter, written by Professor Rask and addressed 
to the late Henry Wheaton, on the Icelandic Sa- 
gas relating to America. In this letter he main- 
tains the difficulty of fixing the site of the Vinland 
colonies astronomically from the length of the 
shortest days. The letter was written before the 
publication of Rafn's "Antiquitates Americana;," 
and the view expressed on the eykts is supported 
by the recent Icelandic Dictionary ; though 
Rask was confident that the site of the colony 
might be fixed from the general description of the 
country. A full memoir of the late Governor J. 
A. Andrew is one of the most notable of the fol- 
lowing pieces, and we soon come upon the remarks 
of Mr. William Everett, who desires " to call the 
attention of the members to a scheme which is 
assuming somewhat serious proportions ; in which, 
if it is really judicious, the Historical Society 
ought to help ; against which, if it is otherwise, 
it is our duty to protest. I mean the scheme for 
erecting a monument to some person called the 
first discoverer of New England ; not, however, 
John Cabot, or Sebastian Cabot, or Verrazzano, 
but an indefinite Northman, to whom, if I may be 
allowed a bad pun, it is proposed to put up a 
Leif statue." Mr. Everett might have apolo- 
gized, also, for his incorrect characterization of 
Leif, who was hardly an " indefinite Northman ; " 
but he goes on at once to say, that "this scheme 
is espoused by several of our citizens, who, it is 
hardly unfair to say, are more enthusiastic than 
critical ; largely stimulated by the patriotic fervor 
of a Norwegian gentleman living among us, most 
eminent for a genius of a peculiar order, but hardly 
an authority on matters of history. ' ' This sentence 
forms a thrust at the celebrated Ole Bull, who 
probably can blunder. There is also an allusion 
to some of the members of a newly formed anti- 
quarian society of Boston. As the latter are not 
individualized, those aggrieved must look to their 
own cause ; but on this it may be said, granting 
that the persons in question are "more enthusi- 
astic than critical," it would not follow that in 
suggesting a statue of Leif they must of necessity 
be wrong. Some person more enthusiastic than 
critical might suggest a statue of William Blax- 
ton, yet it would not prove that Blaxton or 
Blackstone was not the first white inhabitant of 
the peninsula. There is, however, nothing more 
"enthusiastic" on the part of Ole Bull's friends 
than the declaration of Mr. Everett where he 
says, "It is absurd, while Cabot and Virginia 
Dare stand uncommemorated, to erect a statue 
with anything resembling an historical motive 
to Leif or Eric or Thorwald ; " for there is no 
proof that Cabot ever saw the coast of New Eng- 
land, while history has yet to tell us what Vir- 
ginia Dare did to deserve commemoration, or 
even mention in the same breath with Cabot. 



Mr. Everett's remarks are not particularly 
clear. In one place he is speaking of the claims 
of Leif as the discoverer of New England, but 
changes to the general subject of the voyages of 
the Northmen, sa)ing, "Dr. Palfrey has put the 
story excellently in his second chapter," immedi- 
ately adding, '"It [sic] is purely romantic, inter- 
polated in the Heimskringla, which is most 
commonly given as the authority, promulgated 
originally by the fervid zeal of Professor Rafn, 
and discredited (as I am informed by Professor 
Haynes) by the best modern antiquaries of Den- 
mark." Perhaps the speaker means that it is the 
particular interpretation of the Sagas which gives 
Newport as the headquarters of the Vinland ex- 
peditions that some Danish antiquaries shake 
their heads at. If Mr. Everett meant to say 
more than this, the observation may be ventured 
that he was not correctly informed. Issue must 
also be taken where he says "It is purely roman- 
tic. '' Mr. Palfrey, who is quoted with approba- 
tion, has done something more than to "put the 
story excellently." He studied the whole matter 
carefully, and finally wrote of the Sagas, "their 
antiquity and genuineness appear to be well es- 
tablished, nor is there anything to bring their 
credibility into question, beyond the general 
doubt which always attaches to what is new or 
strange." The observation that the account is 
interpolated where it occurs in the Heimskringla, 
edited by Peringskiold, is true, but the Heims- 
kringla is referred to by some intelligent scholars 
simply for convenience. It is well understood 
that Sturleson, the author of Heimskringla, did 
not treat the subject, as he was writing of the 
kings of Norway. This discovery of land at the 
west was nothing to him ; while the Saga inter- 
polated was not a forgery, but one of those docu- 
ments whose " antiquity and genuineness appear 
to be well established." 

In discussing this question, we should not be 
diverted from the real issue ; nor proceed upon 
the assumption that those who vindicate the 
Sagas have windmills in their heads, and are bent 
upon destroying "the irrefragable glories of 
Columbus and Cabot." The voyages of the 
Northmen are now almost universally accepted, 
and reasonable men are quite content, in the spirit 
of Humboldt, who firmly believed in the historical 
character of the Sagas, to follow the principle of 
every man in his own order. Columbus never pre- 
tended to the beliefs that are now put into his 
mouth, while the Northmen who sailed to the land 
at the West, which they called Vinland, did not 
claim any discovery. What they say contravenes 
this, and shows that, in their opinion, they had 
been anticipated by the Irish. Any other view of 
the matter is " moonshiny " indeed. This speech 
by Mr. Everett, while it has good points, ap- 
pears, like the essays of Ole Bull, a little late ; 
while if a " real " man besides Leif is needed, one 
has been already suggested, one who has the 

merit of having done " something for New Eng- 

Mr. Deane, whose judgment is almost invari- 
ably to be followed, is represented as sympathiz- 
ing with Mr. Everett on one point, and as saying 
that the Sagas are "shadowy and mythical in 
form and often uncertain in meaning." Some of 
the utterances in this volume, however, are far 
from clear, and the same mode of argument which 
would put the Northmen off this continent would 
banish them from Greenland. The subject of 
statues is proverbially irritating. 

From the Sagas, however, Mr. Deane passes 
to the Popham question, striking solid ground, 
and presenting, for the consideration of the So- 
ciety, the Journal of the Expedition of 1607-8, 
which Mr. Palfrey had declared " lost," but which 
nevertheless reposed all the while on a shelf in 
the Lambeth Palace Library, where New Eng- 
land searchers had failed to find it, though the 
clue was plain enough. 

Another noteworthy contribution is that on the 
Early Subjects for Master's Degrees in Harvard 
College, in which the disputants decide affirm- 
atively respecting monarchy. There is also a 
very interesting bit of reading in the letter of Dr. 
Rufus Ellis on "The English Homes of Some of 
the Progenitors of the Commonwealth." Presi- 
dent Winthrop offers an interesting paper in ex- 
planation of the course of the Settlers of the Bay 
in abandoning the Church of England upon their 
arrival in this country, which is usually attributed 
to a lack of consistency. Mr. Winthrop, though 
not satisfied with his own theory, seems, upon 
the whole, to excuse their action upon the ground 
of necessity. A warmer theme is found in the 
arraignment of the poet Whittier by Dr. George 
E. Ellis for his false teaching in his poem entitled 
" The King's Missive." Mr. Whittier makes a 
vigorous reply, and the discussion reveals a grow- 
ing disinclination to allow the versifier to distort 
the facts of history at his own sweet will. These 
subjects, however, simply form samples of the 
contents of the volume, which is interspersed with 
biographical sketches of general interest, includ- 
ing memoirs of thirteen deceased resident mem- 
bers. A heliotype of the crossed swords of Lin- 
zee and Prescott forms the frontispiece of the 
volume, by which we are informed that Prescott 
was in "command of the Provincial forces at 
the battle of Bunkerhill, 17 June, 1775," 
though the question is one that has been debated 
at great length, one party claiming the command 
for Putnam. There is also a portrait of Gover- 
nor Andrew, a facsimile of the title-page of the 
manuscript relating to Sagadahoc, and portraits 
of Robert M. Mason and the Rev. Charles 
Brooks. The volume is handsomely printed, and 
is the work of a society which includes members 
drawn from the busiest professions and vocations, 
together with representatives of the class who 
enjoy a life of lettered ease. 



the Se Baptist, as told by Himself and His 
Contemporaries, with an Enquiry whether Dip- 
ping were a New Mode of Baptism in England 
in or about 1641, and Some Considerations of 
the Historical Value of Certain Extracts from 
the Alleged Ancient Records of the Baptist 
Church of Epworth, Crowle, and Butterwicke 
(Eng.), and Claimed to Suggest Important 
Modifications of the History of the 17th Cen- 
tury, with Collections toward a Bibliography 
of the First Two Generations of the Baptist 
Controversy. By Henry Martyn Dexter. 
4to, pp. 106. Boston : Lee & Shepard, 1881. 

Dr. Dexter in this work makes an inquiry 
into three separate points in the Baptist con- 
troversy : Was the Rev. John Smyth a Se 
Baptist, and were he and his followers baptized 
by immersion or by affusion ? Was dipping a 
new mode of baptism in England in or about 
1 641 ? Are the alleged ancient records of the 
Baptist Society at Crowle genuine, and worthy 
of credence? To the first question he answers 
that John Smyth was a Se Baptist, but not an 
immersionist ; to the second he says dipping was 
a new mode in England in 1641, and to the third 
that the ancient records were forgeries. He sup- 
ports his conclusions with a great deal of learn- 
ing, and will doubtless give the Baptists no little 
trouble to do away with the impression which the 
proofs and facts, until answered, will make. It 
is not ours to compose the strife, but Dr. Dex- 
ter's book has a bearing upon our early New 
England history. Many of his authorities were 
the men of the Mayflower, Bradford, Winslow, 
and others, and in the alleged " ancient records" 
they are represented as the chief actors. Carver, 
Bradford, Prince, Winslow, Brewster, Morton, 
Oldham, and many other names are found in con- 
nection with alleged facts of more or less impor- 
tance in the years from 1599 to 1620. Here is 
recorded the determination to go to Holland, and 
afterward the selling of their estates that they 
might " goe to Merica ; " here we read of their 
persecutions, and how Governor Bradford ** from 
Austerfield, wished to speak at Crowle Crosse, but 
ye parson prevented him, & flogged him with his 
horse-whip and set his bull-dogg at him ; but he 
awed ye brute off with his staff." If these records 
were genuine they would be of great value. To 
this question Dr. Dexter has addressed himself in 
an exhaustive examination. He has considered 
the internal and the external evidence; has" com- 
pared the records with the contemporary history ; 
he has summoned every known witness on the one 
side and on the other, and his deliberate conclu- 
sion is that the Crowle Records are an unmiti- 
gated mass of rubbish, and " a howling wilderness 

of lies," and, as Macaulay might do, he has in his 
essay placed them upon a gibbet of infamy from 
which they cannot be easily taken down. We 
have little interest in the Baptist controversy, whe- 
ther immersion or affusion prevailed, or whether 
" wee baptise man and woman, not babys." Our 
concern is to preserve in their purity the sources 
of American history. When, therefore, we are 
told that Bradford, Brewster, and others signed 
a paper before going to Holland, agreeing to 
have "no commune with Robinson." because 
"wee baptise man and woman, not babys," it is 
impossible to come to but one conclusion. Dr. 
Dexter, besides disposing of the " Crowle" rec- 
ord, gives a valuable bibliography of the Baptist 
Controversy in England, which is characterized 
by his customary patience and industry. 

NIAL History of the State of New Jer- 
sey. Vol. III., pp. 512. Edited by William 
A. Whitehead, Corresponding Secretary New 
Jersey Historical Society. Newark, i88r. 

The first and second volumes of this valuable 
series of papers cover the early or proprietary pe- 
riod of New Jersey, from the year 1631 to 1703. 
The present volume includes the documents con- 
nected with the administration of the Colony un- 
der those crown governors who were intrusted 
with the affairs of New York as well as of New 
Jersey — a period which the editor distinguishes as 
the "Union Era." The fourth volume will continue 
this era from 1709 to its close in 1738, when the 
separate Provincial administration will be reached 
and brought down from the governorship of Lewis 
Morris through that of William Franklin to the 

Of the "Union" governors appointed by the 
crown, the memory of the first, or Lord Corn bury, 
is the least savory. A cousin of Queen Anne, he 
seems to have presumed upon his royal connec- 
tions to conduct himself in a high-handed and 
shameless way, both publicly and privately. Chal- 
mers, in his " History of the American Colonies," 
states that he was "illiterate, frivolous, and 
poor," his poverty being induced by extrava- 
gances at home ; and that he grew to be unjust, op- 
pressive, and corrupt in his public station is more 
than confirmed by the documents now before us. 
He fell out with the Jersey Assembly, with the 
Quakers, with popular leaders, demanded a high 
salary, received bribes, lived in New York most 
of the time and made " Exlraordinarie charges" 
for travelling back and forth between his two 
provinces. Appointed Governor in 1703, we find 
the Jersey Legislature petitioning the Queen, 
within four years, to relieve them of his " male- 
administration," and in 1708 he was recalled. 
His vices and debts had as much to do with his 
removal as his public misconduct. 



Cornbury's successor, the young Lord Lovelace, 
did not live long enough "to feel the mortifica- 
tion of popular contest or the misery of dependent 
greatness." He died May 6, 1709, "of a cold of 
sickness he caught aboard the Man of War upon 
the Coast." But two or three new documents 
respecting his rule appear in the present volume. 

Lovelace was followed by Ingoldsby, his own 
and Cornbury's Lieutenant-Governor, and we 
have documents here illustrating the grievances 
and difficulties he had to make and fell into until 
the next governor, Hunter, was appointed, In- 
goldsby himself failing to receive the appointment. 
Vol. IV. will be devoted to Hunter's times and 
those of his successors until Morris's administra- 
tion. The papers of this series are collected from 
public and private sources, and will furnish the 
future historian of New jersey with a fund of 
fact, incident, and reflection not within the pos- 
session of previous writers. The satisfaction of 
having done this service must be one of the re- 
wards enjoyed by the editor, Mr. Whitehead, as 
compensation for the labor of compilation. 


the Hale Memorial Day, September 7, 
1881. By Edward E. Hale. Pp. 22. Bos- 
ton : A. Williams & Co. 

The story of Nathan Hale will never cease to 
be one of the tenderest interest, and it was no 
more than an act of patriotic, almost pious remem- 
brance on the part of the people of New London 
and Groton, at the centennial of Arnold's raid 
and massacre held last year, to devote one day of 
the exercises to the memory of the young martyr- 
spy of 1776. It was at New London that he was 
teaching school when the war broke out, and 
where he formed his resolution to enter the ser- 
vice. It was upon New London that Arnold 
wreaked his vengeance — a good place, then, to 
contrast the unselfish devotion of the one and de- 
spicable treachery of the other. It fell, fittingly, 
to the Rev. Edward Everett Hale, a grandson of 
the Captain's brother, to make the principal ad- 
dress on the occasion, and we find it the story of 
the hero's life and sacrifice, told in a touching 
way. There was not much new to bring out — 
although we must except a valuable little jour- 
nal kept by Captain Hale's brother, to which we 
hope to refer again — and yet the reader cannot 
but feel a new interest in the subject as treated in 
the pamphlet. It will be noticed, among other 
criticisms made by Mr. Hale, that he puts no faith 
in one of the stories current at the time, that the 
Captain was betrayed by a Tory relative who re- 
cognized him. " The fact," says the writer, 
11 that the disgrace was now attached to one 
cousin, now to another, shows almost certainly 

that it belongs to neither. 1 
to be preserved. 

This address is one 

the Virginia Campaign of 1781. By Wil- 
liam S. Stryker, Adjutant-General of New 
Jersey. 8vo, pp. 45. Trenton, N. J. 

General Stryker's contributions to New Jersey 
history, which are well known to our historical 
writers, have brought out the fact that, for some 
unexplained reason, the records of that State from 
quite early times have been preserved in an unex- 
pectedly complete shape. Can any of the original 
thirteen States, for instance, compile a full list of 
all its officers and men who served in the Revolu- 
tion, as New Jersey has done through General 
Stryker? Probably not one, unless possibly Mas- 
sachusetts. In the present pamphlet we have 
another evidence of well-kept records, as it con- 
tains a roster of all the officers and men who re- 
presented New Jersey at the surrender of Corn- 
wallis and in the previous operations in Virginia 
under Lafayette. The two Continental regiments, 
commanded by Colonels Matthias Ogden and 
Elias Dayton, were there in force, mustering to- 
gether 662 men and 43 officers, and in addition, 
a Light Infantry detachment of 145 men and 13 
officers, which formed part of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Barber's Light Battalion under Lafayette. A list 
of the killed and wounded at the siege of York- 
town is also appended, making, so far as the doc- 
umentary portion alone is concerned, a valuable 
contribution to the records of that famous cam- 
paign. The pamphlet, however, is far from being 
an array of names, General Stryker having light- 
ened it with a clear and accurate account of the 
campaign, in which the particular service of the 
Jersey troops is noticed at every stage. It is to 
be hoped that the Trenton archives contain much 
more like material, which may be utilized in the 
same satisfactory way by the same pen. 

House of Michelham. A Tale of the Nor- 
man Conquest. By Rev. A. D. Crake. With 
illustrations. i6mo, pp. 448. New York: J. 
B. Young & Co. 

The history of England, from the time of the 
accession of English Harold to the throne, in- 
cluding the battle of Hastings and the conquest 
by William the Normrn, which purports to be 
told in the diary found clasped in the hand of 
Father Oswald, a monk of Saxon, or, as he pre- 
fers to be called, English lineage, who sought 
death in vain with his kindred at Senlac, and 
found it after seventy years at the foot of the 
high altar in the abbey erected on the spot where 
Harold's standard fell. The story is well told. 

., .... ' . / - 


Vol. VIII. MAY 1882 No 4 


AFTER describing the splendors of old Rouen, M. Elesee Reclus, 
our national geographer, says : " We know that the great Cor- 
neille was of Rouen, and among the sons of the Norman city 
we may also name Fontenelle, Boisguillebert, Boieldieu, Gericault and 
Cavalier de la Salle, who discovered the mouths of the Mississippi. 
No statue honors the memory of the great voyager, who died in 
obscurity upon the plains of Texas." 

There is nothing in Rouen to recall the memory of Cavalier de la 
Salle. Within twelve years his name was hardly known to the savants 
of the city, and there was scarcely a vestige of his history. One of the 
two or three most distinguished men of the 17th century was entirely 
forgotten in the home of his nativity. In 1847 M. Pierre Margry was told 
that he was not a native of Rouen, but happily that unwearied investi- 
gator discovered the certificate of his baptism. That taught a great 
lesson, and we can understand the enthusiastic words which the young 
savant wrote to the Mayor of Rouen : " The life of Robert Cavalier is 
a grand epic. Nothing is wanting to it, neither the force of character 
which wills to accomplish them nor the greatness of the results, nor 
even that fatal quality of ancient tragedy which, leading its hero 
through successive misfortunes, ends by dashing him, after he has spent 
all his energy, against himself." 

This man, who gave to France the finest colony in the world, was 
born at Rouen, in Herbland parish, and probably in the street of the 
Grosse-Horologe, towards the 20th of November, 1643. It was not far 
from the little house in Pie street where Pierre Corneille wrote his 
chief works, and it may be that the verses of the great tragedian were 
not without influence upon Cavalier de la Salle. Loftiness of concep- 
tion, like strength of body, is a gift of nature, but the elevation of 
soul, energy and love of glory, which we find in every page of his 
correspondence, have their source in the study, and above all in the 
continuous reading of great authors. 


At twenty-three, La Salle entered upon his career. From that day 
until his death, which took place three years after that of Corneille, his 
life is a poem. The coldest writer and the most methodical must, as M. 
Gayrre remarks, necessarily give to his history the form of romance. 
One might say that he created the material for the poems of his great 
compatriot. For two centuries his enemies alone have had liberty of 
speech ; to-day La Salle is allowed to speak for himself. Let us follow 
his career, but rapidly, as the necessities of our space require. 

Jean, Cavalier's elder brother, a priest and doctor of the faculty of 
Paris, was in Canada. That circumstance, probably, had a large influence 
upon his decision. Robert reached Montreal in 1666. The south part of 
the isle was frequently ravaged by the Iroquois, and the husbandman was 
compelled to carry on the labors of the field with weapons in his hands. 
An advanced post was necessary, near the falls of Saint Louis, in the path 
of the savages, to give the alarm and to sustain the first attack. The 
commander of the post must be gifted with the highest courage and 
prudence. M. de Queylus, superior of the seminary of Villemarie, 
gave La Salle this very perilous post. The young man from Rouen 
founded a village, which he called by the name of St. Sulpice, but which 
soon after took that of La Chine, which it bears to this day. Grad- 
ually he made grants, put the land under cultivation, built dwellings 
and enhanced the value of his fine domain, which was, by the act of 
January 11, 1669, erected into & fief noble, of which he was suzeraine. 
There was nothing to hinder a tranquil life, and with the skill which 
was never wanting in him, he could enrich himself by traffic with the 
Iroquois. But it was the useless, obscure existence of a country gentle- 
man, the golden mediocrity of the poet. It had nothing in common 
with his dreams. What was necessary to his adventurous spirit was to 
enlarge the boundaries of the world, to open to our commerce a new 
way to the mysterious countries of the extreme Orient. 

He understood the Iroquois and seven or eight dialects, had studied 
the narratives of explorers, made short voyages into the neighboring 
country and had conceived the plan of new discoveries. Giovanni and 
Sebastian Cabot, Christopher Colombus, Jacques Cartier, the Recollets, 
Jean Nicolet, the Jesuits, and others besides, had dreamed of China. 
They had sought it by the Isthmus of .Panama, by Davis Straits and 
Hudson's Bay, by the St. Lawrence and the great lakes, and had sought 
in vain. 

La Salle had been informed, during the winter of 1668-69, by the 
Iroquois Esonnontouans, that a great river had its source in the country 


of the Five Nations, and flowed towards the sea, and that in following 
its course in eight months he would arrive at its mouth. He believed 
it was the passage to China so much desired. He went to see Remy 
de Courcelles, the governor general, and Ealon, the Intendant, com- 
municated to them his enthusiasm, and obtained authority to make the 
discovery at his own cost. 

To procure boats, arms, provisions, rowers and a surgeon, he sold all 
his goods, and as they say burned his ships. He thus put all that he 
possessed into a very uncertain enterprise, but whose success would 
bring great honor to his country, and open an immense horizon to the 
commerce of France. He was then twenty-six years old, and already 
he had attained to the hight of one of the heroes of Plutarch. 

In the meantime the Sulpicians proposed an expedition into the 
west. They had received authority, but it was on condition that they 
should join Cavalier de la Salle. That would have made the affair 
neither one thing nor another. Dollier de Casson and Brehant de 
Galinee sought the conversion of souls, Cavalier sought a passage to 
China, and now all accepted this combination. 

They started from Saint Sulpice on the 6th of July, 1669. The expe- 
dition was composed of twenty-two French and seven boats of Iroquois 
Esonnontouans. They ascended together on Lake Ontario to the vil- 
lage Asonnontouan and to Eenaouata on Lake Erie. There they 
separated. The Sulpicians went to the north, and La Salle to the south, 
About six or seven leagues below Lake Erie he came to the river Ohio, 
and descended to the falls of St Louis. Compelled to take to the land, 
he followed a rising ground. Some savages told him that the river lost 
itself far away in that vast flat land, and was reunited in a single bed. 
As the labor was great, the twenty-three or twenty-four men who 
accompanied him deserted in a single night. He thus found himself 
alone, 400 leagues from the French habitations, to which he returned, 
living by the chase, or upon what the savages gave him, sleeping beneath 
the beautiful stars or in the wigwam of some Indian. 

In the spring of 1670 he was at Ottawa. In 1672 he resumed a 
second time his way to the Mississippi, but instead of descending the 
Ohio, he went by the great lakes, discovered the Illinois, descended it 
to the 39th degree, entered into another great river, which flowed from 
the northwest to the southeast, and followed it to the 36th degree 
of latitude, where he stopped for want of sufficient force, but was sure 
that this river flowed into the Gulf of Mexico. 

Note here two most important points. It is upon the 39th parallel 


that the Illinois empties into the Mississippi, and at that place the Mis- 
sissippi flows from the northwest to the southeast. It was then the 
Mississippi which he had found. Moreover, he could not, having 
embarked upon the Illinois, and descended to the 36th degree save by 
the Mississippi. 

It is objected that the author of the Relation is not friendly to the 
Jesuits. Is that a reason to be considered? Cannot one be a man of 
honor without loving the Jesuits ? M. Margry believes that the Abbe 
Renaudot is the author of this memoir. The Jesuits reply that it 
cannot be the Abbe Renaudot, and that, if it were he, the honor would 
be impaired. Between M. Pierre Margry, who has glanced over these 
articles, and the author, to whom I allude, my choice is made. I 
believe that it is the Abbe Renaudot, and I persist in regarding this 
savant as worthy of respect. Why do they say nothing of Louis Joliet, 
who in his map indicated the Ohio and the Illinois as the routes taken 
by La balle to reach Mexico ? 

In 1673 the Iroquois, the Ottawas and the English threatened our 
commerce. The Count de Frontenac resolved to ascend Lake 
Ontario, as M. de Courcelles had done in 1672. He charged the Jesuit 
missionaries and Cavalier de la Salle to visit the Five Nations of the 
Iroquois, and to induce them to send representatives to Quinte on Lake 
Ontario. At the moment of starting, the seat of the conference was 
changed from Quinte to Cataracoui at the mouth of the St. Lawrence. 
Gifted above all with diplomatic skill, the Cavalier de la Salle per- 
suaded seventeen nations to be represented at Cataracoui. The repre- 
sentatives, in token of their confidence, came with their wives and 
children. Already the savages knew Cavalier de la Salle well enough 
to be sure that he was incapable of deceiving them. The dignity, the 
grand manners, the skilled diplomacy of Count de Frontenac insured 
entire success. He obtained from the Iroquois all that he desired. For 
awhile these fierce savages would have labored at the fort which was 
to hold them in check. 

In the autumn of 1674, Cavalier de la Salle came to France and pre- 
sented at court his petitions and plans. The King gave him letters of 
nobility, the grant of Fort Frontenac, and an immense territory on 
Lake Ontario. It was the record of the great services he had already 
rendered the colony. 

At the moment, when Cavalier de la Salle demanded Fort Fron- 
tenac, the government hesitated even about the preservation of the 
Fort. The Governor proved that, with a single ship, which was in pro- 


cess of construction, and a Fort upon the Niagara, we would be masteis 
upon the great lakes, and that the commerce of the North would come to 
the French settlements instead of going to the English. The Jesuits, 
whose plans he had counteracted, insinuated a thousand reasons on the 
other side. La Salle gained his cause. Fort Frontenac was the point 
of attack in the chain of Forts which La Salle would construct in the 
vallies of the Illinois and the Mississippi, the bulwark of our power in 
the West. 

The grant of Fort Frontenac gave La Salle a right of lordship over 
the isles and neighboring forests, and over a strip of territory four 
leagues in length and a half league broad. He was the commander of 
the garrison, the founder of the mission, the patron of the church, and 
the sovereign of one of the finest domains in Canada. 

Seeing him thus the favorite of fortune, his family came largely to 
his help. It would seem from the family papers which M. Mario de la 
Ouesnerie has kindly communicated to me, that they advanced to him 
not less than from 500,000 to 600,000 livres, or from 2,000,000 to 2,400,- 
000 francs. 

If La Salle had desired simply to increase his wealth, he would have 
been on the high road to it, for he could have put his hand upon the best 
part of the traffic of Canada, and thus with little trouble made for him- 
self 25,000 livres of income. But commercial profits were for him a 
means, not an end. 

No sooner was he possessed of his lordship than he rebuilt in stone the 
wooden fort of Count de Frontenac, having cleared the allotment, made 
villages both for the French and the savages, constructed boats, pro- 
vided rowers, opened a school, common one for the French and Iroquois' 
children, and in the midst of all these duties, he studied the course of 
the Mississippi. 

Fort Frontenac was surrounded by enemies, Hurons and Iroquois? 
No, Frenchmen ! Louis Hennepin and Zenobe Membre were advised 
of the snares spread around Cavalier de la Salle. Would they choose 
to raise even a corner of the veil the enemy is so powerful? At ai;y 
rate the ray of light, which penetrates between their fingers, permits us 
to distinguish the group who were lurking in the darkness, and we 
could put a name upon each of the shadows who prowled around the 

La Salle baffled all their maneuvres with marvellous dexterity. There 
was one, however, of whom he had no suspicion, and who nearly put 
an end to his plans and his life. Nicholas Perrot, the traveller, 


attempted to poison him. La Salle has declared in a letter that the 
Jesuits were innocent of the crime of their protege. They were his 
enemies, and therefore he the more believed he should defend them 
when accused of such a crime. 

At the end of 1677, La Salle, having gone to France, reduced to noth- 
ing the calumnies spread against him, and obtained authority to dis- 
cover at his own cost the mouth of the Mississippi. He returned to 
Quebec the 15th of September, 1678, with thirty craftsmen and the brave 
Henry de Conty. 

As soon as he arrived he sent men forward to trade and to prepare 
the ground. Others ascended Cayuga Creek, beyond Niagara Falls, 
to build a fort, and the first vessel which should navigate the great 
lakes. All this was not accomplished without great difficulties. The 
Iroquois were at work in an underhand way ; a man named Deslauriers, 
recommended to La Salle by the Jesuits, urged the men to desert, 
others proclaimed that the enterprise was a folly, and almost succeeded 
in seizing whatever La Salle possessed at Quebec and Montreal. He 
made reply to all by departing for Niagara, whence he had but just 
returned on foot, in the snow, almost without food, and with a dog for 
his only companion. 

Arriving at Fort Conty, he completed the armament of the vessel, 
and, contrary to all expectation, he entered and crossed Lake Erie, the 
Straits of Detroit and Lake Huron, and, on the 27th of August, arrived 
at Michillimachinac. 

The influences opposed to him at Quebec, Montreal, Frontenac 
and Conty, were felt also at Michillimachinac. The men sent to 
trade deserted while carrying the goods of La Salle. He sent the ves- 
sel back to Conty loaded with merchandise, and the vessel was plun- 
dered and destroyed by those in charge. 

La Salle embarked on Lake Michigan or Illinois. There were four- 
teen men and four boats. After a voyage of great hardship he arrived 
November 1st at the small river Miami, where he built a new fort in 
order to connect that of Conty with those which he had planned upon 
the Illinois. The 3d of December, the whole party being reunited, 
sixty-three men, they embarked upon the Miami, passed the Kankakee 
or Divine, (the nom de guerre of Madame de Frontenac), arrived at the 
Illinois,, and stopped for a while at the small lake Peoria, where were 
camped 4,000 Illinois, with whom they made an alliance. Upon this 
lake he raised a new fort, Crevecceur (a name of deep signification), 
and began the construction of a vessel in which to descend to the Gulf 
of Mexico. 


On the night of his arrival he was denounced to the Illinois Indians 
as a friend of the Iroquois ; that is to say, as a dangerous enemy, whom 
it was needful to stay. The men were seized with a panic, and some 
deserted, after having put into his saucepan a heavy dose of poison. 
They escaped by means of some antidote, says Conty, which had been 
given him by his friends in France. 

According to Zenobe Membre, the deserters had been corrupted at 
Michillimachinac. Conty, Hennepin, and the same P. Membre accuse 
the French to the Illinois with having denounced La Salle. The docu- 
ments recently published by M. Margry are still more explicit. La 
Salle foresaw an end to his enterprise, but the idea of retreating even 
partially was not to be thought of. He sent Michel Accau du Gay, 
called Picard, and Hennepin, the monk, to explore the sources of 
the Mississippi. Ten days afterward, March 4th, 1680, he went with 
four Frenchmen, and Nika, his faithful chaouanon, in a most rigorous 
winter, over deep snows in which they sunk to their knees, to seek at 
Frontenac rigging, furniture, and provisions which he needed in order 
to continue the expedition. 

On returning at Fort Conty, he learned of the loss of the vessel which 
he had sent to Michillimachinac, and of a vessel from France, on which 
he had 2,200 livres. But this was not all. Of twenty-two men whom he 
had engaged in France, eighteen were detained by his enemy, the Inten- 
dent, Duchesneau, and upon news of his death four were sent out anew ; 
still more, his men had deserted with his goods and his boats. In 
the meantime the force of Conty had dispersed, forts Crevecceur and 
Niagara were laid waste, and the magazine at Michillimachinac had 
been plundered. It seemed, to use his own expression, that all 
Canada had conspired against his undertaking. 

Who in his place would not have owned himself vanquished ? Who 
would not have renounced so dangerous an enterprise, in order to 
enjoy calmly at Frontenac the pleasures of a noble position ? La Salle 
did not even think of pleasure. He hastened to Montreal, arranged 
matters with his creditors, who made him new advances, arrested a 
a party of his deserters, and started on his way with twenty-five men, 
workmen and soldiers, by the Humber, Lake Simcoe, the Severn, Lake 
Huron, and rested five days at Michillimachinac in order to obtain pro- 
visions. He left again with twelve men, revisited the ruins of the Fort 
Miama, and passed on to the Illinois. The seventeen villages which he 
had seen upon this great river, his Fort Crevecceur, his vessel, all were 
in ruins. The whole shore, even to the Mississippi, presented a fright- 


tul spectacle. The Iroquois had burned the villages, disinterred the 
dead, killed and eaten the living. The dogs, wolves and ravens even 
now fed upon the remains. 

Upon a tree on the banks of the Mississippi, he made a representa- 
tion of himself, carrying a pipe of peace, and he left a letter for Conty. 
After incredible fatigue, he reached Fort Miami, and made it his winter 
quarters. He studied the situation anew. 

The skillful intrigues had placed across his path the terrible 
Iroquois. All that he had done would be without practical result; at 
least he would hardly shut out this savage horror from the west. He 
remembered, however, that a commercial and military centre was 
necessary between the basins of the St. Lawrence and the Missisippi. 
Fort St. Louis, which he built upon Starved Rock, and the rich prairies 
of Illinois, seemed to him to be equally fitted for the necessities of war 
or the needs of commerce. His plan conceived, he began immediately 
to execute it, that is to say, he plunged into diplomacy without limit. 
He visited all the neighboring tribes, induced them to make peace and 
to settle around Fort St. Louis, under the protection ot the King of 
France, in order that they might live, calm and happy in the abundance 
which Europe would supply, without fear of the Iroquois. 

What speeches, what subtleties, what compliments ! It is necessary 
to see these papers published by M. Margry. His efforts were crowned 
with success. He could see, before leaving Canada, around Fort St. 
Louis, the villages of twelve nations who recognized him as father of the 
King of France. As Lord of the country, by virtue of his letters patent, 
he granted concessions of land to the French. It is well understood that 
this great work brought him the detractions of all his enemies, beginning 
with the aged La Barre, the unworthy successor ot Count Frontenac. 
With the culmination of coldness, came the movement to complete the 
discovery. La Salle returned once more to Frontenac, obtained credit 
for fresh advances, made his deposition, took with him Conty, the 
Recollect, Zenobe Membre, Jaques Metairie, notary of Fort Frontenac, 
twenty French, eighteen Abenakis or Mahingins, who carried with them 
ten women and three children, and started on his route. The 6th of 
February he arrived at the Mississippi, on the 12th he embarked upon 
the stream ; March 14th, at the Arkansas, he planted the cross and arms 
of France ; April 7th, he arrived at the mouth of the stream, and 
on the 9th, in the name of the King, he formally took possession of 
Louisiana. At the same time he traversed fifteen hundred leagues of 
desert, not having any provisions, except the product of the chase, 


having the compass for his guide. This discovery is the most important 
of the age, but we shall see how General de la Barre viewed it. 

The intention of La Salle was to build a fort at the mouth of the 
Mississippi, but the lack of provisions forced him to adjourn his project 
to the following year. He retook, therefore, his route for Canada. At 
his coming all the tribes on the border of the river had given him a 
good reception; at his return, many desired to slay him. To what is it 
necessary to refer this fickleness of Indian character? Upon arriving 
at Fort Prudhomme, which he had constructed with the Chickasaws, he 
suddenly fell sick ; and when, after being confined to his bed forty days, 
he returned to Illinois, it was not to be glorified, as he deserved, but to 
be persecuted. La Barre, who was only a puppet in the hands of his 
managers, denied boldly, not only the result of the discovery, but the dis- 
covery itself. Yet he did not rest with this. He authorized not only the 
pillage of the canoes of La Salle, but even his murder, while P. Allouez 
blessed the bullets of his deserters, assuring them that they might break 
(pierce) the head of the honest and valiant Conty. Against all law, 
La Barre arrested the men whom La Salle sent to seek, in Canada, the 
merchandise and munitions of which he had need. He refused to send 
to Fort Frontenac the soldiers that were asked for. In fine, he confiscated 
the Forts of Frontenac and St. Louis, compromised the results of the 
discovery, ruined Cavalier de La Salle and those associated with him in 
the enterprise. 

La Salle returned to France, went to find Seignelay, convinced him 
of the foolishness of La Barre, who was immediately recalled, pro- 
posed to return by sea to the mouth of the Mississippi, and to cap- 
ture the mines of Sainta Barbara. The reports and memoirs furnished 
by Cavalier La Salle, both on his own discoveries and his projects, 
carried conviction into the mind of Minister Seingelay. In accordance 
with his request, July 24th, 1684, he set sail for the Gulf of Mexico. 
This fleet was composed of four ships, and was commanded by 
Le Gallois de Beaujeu, Captain of the Line. Beaujeu left with the 
conviction, we may say, with the hope of failure, as one may see in 
his correspondence with Cabart de Villermont. " The devotion of 
Madame de Beaujeu to the Jesuits " was suspected by La Salle. The 
Minister warned Beaujeu, that, by this " difficulty he would fail of 
success in the enterprise of La Salle." La Salle was suspicious of 
Beaujeu. This Captain, who believed himself to be the ablest Captain 
of the French marine, passed, without recognizing, the mouths of the 
Mississippi. This man who always spoke of his own impeccability, 


forgetting his sojourn for nine months at the Tower of Rochelle, and his 
cassation, refused to comply with the demand of La Salle, who told him 
that he had passed their destinaton. But I do not desire to accuse him 
of the loss of the fly-boat Aimiable, for which the Chevalier Aigron was 
imprisoned upon his return to France, but I am not able to repress the 
remark, that he did all that was necessary to defeat the enterprise, in 
order to justify his prejudices against La Salle. It suffices to say, that 
he debarked La Salle in the Bay of Matagorda, instead of landing him at 
the mouth of the Mississippi, that he gave him cannon without balls, 
because to obtain the balls which were intended for the expedition, it 
would be necessary to derange the storage. 

His jealousy survived La Salle. When Le Moyne and Iberville were 
sent to find the mouths of the Mississippi, which they discovered by 
the indications of La Salle, Beaujeu did not cease to predict failure, and 
after success, to depreciate the value of its utility. 

La Salle, abandoned by his companions, constructed forts, made 
attempt on attempt to reach the Mississippi by land. One should 
read in the Journal of Joutel of Rouen, the accounts of his prodigious 
efforts. He was about to succeed, when he was assassinated at the 
corner of a forest, March 19, 1687. He was forty-three years and four 
months old, and it was twenty years since he entered into our colonial 

Let us recapitulate the acts of the discoverer. He explored 
North America, north and south; he established a chain of forts from 
the entrance of Lake Ontairio to the mouths of the Mississppi ; he 
inaugurated navigation on the Great Lakes, by the discovery of the 
Ohio, the Wabash, the Illinois and the Mississippi ; he opened the com- 
merce with the Gulf of Mexico ; by his colonies of Frontenac and of 
Illinois, he fortified us against the English ; by his point against the 
Spanish mines, he showed us the possibility, the necessity of conquering 
Texas. It is with much reason that the Americans have placed his 
great name upon the map of Texas and of Illinois; it is with reason 
that they have placed his portrait in the Capitol at Washington ; it is 
assuredly a wrong that his native city has done nothing to honor his 

Honorary President, and General Secretary 

of the Normand Geographical Society. 


I. — The Dutch Period 

The most important prerequisite to the study of any institution is a 
correct view of the character of the people among whom they are 
found. The character of the settlers of New Netherland has not com- 
monly been treated with justice, partly because their political institu- 
tions have disappeared, and partly because the present inhabitants are 
not in the main descended from them. Nor is it easier, in the face of 
Knickerbocker's History, to attempt a sober vindication of them, than 
to inspire respect for Amadis de Gaul or Don Beliarius in spite of Cer- 
vantes. Inevitably, the name New Netherland calls up before us 
the images of Oloffe the Dreamer and Walter the Doubter, of Abraham 
with the Ten Breeches, and Stuyvesant with the Wooden Leg, of 
doughty armies marching forth to engage in mimic wars or to parley 
with lank, nasal-voiced Yankees, of sleepy burghers with expressionless 
faces, and comfortable, placid dames devoted to knitting and scouring. 
Probably it always will. Certainly no one would have it otherwise, or 
agree with those solemn old Knickerbockers who deplored the sacrile- 
gious attempt to poke fun at the fathers of New Netherland. The more 
Irvings we have in the world, the better. But while undoubtedly there 
is, in the history of the first beginnings of any great enterprise, from 
the time of Romulus to our own day, much that is ridiculous, we ought 
not to be so strongly influenced by a work of humorous fiction as 
seriously to imagine that the New Netherlanders are in that respect any 
worse off than the settlers of the other colonies, that the incessant 
smoking of New Amsterdam was at all more absurd that the incessant 
funeral-going and the savory discourses of Boston, or Governor Stuy- 
vesant and Dominie Bogardus more ridiculous than valiant Miles Stan- 
dish and " reverend and much-desired " Mr. John Cotton. Therefore, 
in considering the development of the municipal government of New 
Amsterdam, we should bear in mind that the disputes of Governor and 
burghers, however petty they appear at this distance, were to them far 
from ridiculous. Above all things, we should never forget of what 
nation they were a part. They were the countrymen and contempora- 
ries of De Ruyter, the Van Tromps and the De Witts, and but a gen- 


eration removed from the leaders of the war of Independence ; members 
of a heroic race, not half enough admired, whose love of liberty was as 
strong and as worthy of respect at New Amsterdam as behind the 
dykes of Holland, or on the grassy table-lands of the Transvaal. 

While, with true Dutch tolerance, the settlers at Manhattan weL 
corned English Puritans, Huguenots from Rochelle, Waldenses from 
Piedmont, German Lutherans and Anabaptists, Swedes and Catholic 
Walloons, yet because whatever powers of self government they had 
were conceded to them by those who controlled them, and these were 
Dutchmen, the government of the settlement was in form and spirit 
almost completely Dutch. It is therefore necessary, in order to under- 
stand the development of the government of New Amsterdam, to study 
carefully first of all, the municipal institutions of the Netherlands them- 
selves. This will serve to explain the history of the government of 
New Amsterdam as a chartered municipality ; while, to understand the 
history of the government of Manhattan previous to its incorporation, 
it is necessary to study the history, charter and character of the West 
India Company. First, then, the municipality of the Netherlands. 

Although modern liberty is the remote result of the municipal revo- 
lution of the twelfth century in Europe, it should never be imagined 
that it was modern liberty which the towns of the middle ages demanded 
and secured. Of any liberty not feudal they had no conception. 
Feudalism pure and simple had provided no place for any classes but 
the milites and the unfree. What the towns demanded, and what they 
obtained, was simply a recognized position in the feudal hierarchy. Yet 
in the internal organization of the towns the elements favorable to the 
growth of social equality and freedom were more conspicuous, and the 
mediaeval municipalities thus contained the germs of those forces which 
were to destroy feudalism, though they themselves were feudal in spirit 
and form. 

It is especially necessary to remember the feudal nature of the 
municipal organizations in considering the towns of the Netherlands. 
For here the feudal conception of communal liberties as resting, not 
upon inalienable rights, but upon the strictly-construed text of charters 
embodying privileges conceded by the individual suzerain, in a word, 
" of liberties rather than liberty," prevailed till a very late date. Every 
Dutchman of the controlling classes in the town was a born strict-con- 
structionist. The attachment of the burgher class to the letter of their 
constitutions was conspicuous in all their history. Hence it is not sur- 
prising that the tenacious conservatism of the Netherland towns kept 


their governments in many respects the same from the middle ages to 
the French Revolution. One need therefore make no apology for 
beginning a review of the municipal institutions of the Low Countries 
at an early period in the feudal ages. 

Though some of the Netherland towns survived from Roman times, 
the most originated much as the towns of German}^ did. Close by a lord's 
castle, a church or a cloister, there was greater opportunity for trade, 
and there was better protection. This attracted traders and those who 
were oppressed elsewhere. It was for the interest of each lord to foster 
such settlements, and he usually agreed to protect them. Soon it became 
necessary that the relations of count and poorters should be more accu- 
rately defined. This was of course done in the manner natural to feud- 
alism, by a documentary concession of privilege. The count granted a 
charter, showing explicitly his own rights and those of the townsmen. 
His rights were looked after by an officer called the schout or baljuw, 
who was the chief officer of the town. The interests of the people were 
cared for at first by a general assembly ; but before long, through indif- 
ference, this was left to the burghers of most consequence (de vroedsteii), 
who had come in a way to be hereafter described, to form the vroedschaap, 
or town-council. 

At the head of both the judicial and the administrative systems was 
the schout. In the administration of justice he was aided by an indefi- 
nite number of assistants, called schepens. The schout organized the 
court, or vierschaar, which was composed of these schepens, whose 
number soon came to be definite, seven or nine, and certain of the prom- 
inent citizens, who in most cities were members of the town-council, 
already mentioned. Administrative matters were doubtless at first man- 
aged by the schout and schepens alone. But very early Ave find four 
raaden or aldermen, one from each of the four quarters of the town, 
whose position in town matters soon came to be that of recognized rep- 
resentatives of the burghers. A little later an important part in admin- 
istration is taken by the vroedschaap, or municipal council, already men- 
tioned. The manner in which this council originated is illustrated by 
the case of Dordrecht. In 1345 the magistrates (that is, the schout, 
schepens and raaden), invited the ex-magistrates to assist their delibera- 
tions. In 1370 these retired schepens and raadsmen received the name 
of the Oud Raad, or old council, and formed a body of burghers inde- 
pendent of the court, for they were not summoned by him, as the schout 
and schepens had been. This council, vroedschaap or wysheid, under, 
whatever name known, once established, and invested with the power of 


making by-laws, increased in power constantly, till the advent of the 
Burgundian house. 

Meanwhile, the position of the raaden, or representatives of the 
people, underwent a great change. At first they merely sat with the 
schepens in the courts. But finally the duties of the schepens became 
almost limited to the dispensing of justice, while the administrative 
duties were left in the hands of the raaden, who became known as poort- 
meesters, and then as burgemeesters. Gradually they grew to be more 
important officers than the schepens, and became the real heads of the 
community. Their number varied, being usually two or four. 

It will be seen, then, that at the time when the Netherlands came 
under the dominion of the house of Burgundy, the controlling portion of 
the municipal governments consisted, in most cities, of four parts. First, 
the schout, or representative of the count and guardian of his interests, 
whose duties, which had gradually become chiefly judicial, were analo- 
gous in some respects to those of a sheriff of our day, and in some respects 
to those of a municipal chief-justice. Second, the schepens, who had 
now come to have nearly the position of associate justices in municipal 
courts, though they, as well as the schout, who with them constituted 
the "new magistracy," retained something of their former administrative 
position. The schepens were sometimes elected by the council or vroed- 
schaap, sometimes appointed by the count from a double list of names 
presented by that body. 

This last method of selecting officers is a peculiarity very prominent 
in the institutions of the Dutch. Third, the old council, often called 
"the magistracy " par excellence. In most cases this was the actual legis- 
lative or senate of the town, and was composed of the retired members 
of the new magistracy ; it had already in most cities become an aristo- 
cratic body. Fourth, the burgemeesters, two or four in number, the 
chief executive officers of the municipality. They were elected by the 
magistrates and council usually, but in many places the people still had 
some control over the election. 

Just before the time of Philip the Good, a strong effort had been 
made to make this constitution less aristocratic in spirit. The old nobility 
and the richer class of poorters together formed an aristocratic body of 
great pride, controlling the municipal governments. Against this com- 
bination of the greater burghers, the lesser burghers, or artisans of the 
inferior guilds, contended for a share in the management of town affairs. 
They were on the whole successful, and accordingly introduced some 
new features into the town organizations, broadening their basis, but by 


no means to the extent of popular suffrage. At Dordrecht, and probably 
in other towns, these innovations took a form which is of considerable 
importance to our discussion, because of its resemblance to a plan after- 
ward put in practice at New Amsterdam. Eight men, called " the good 
people of the eight," were chosen by the count from a list of twenty-four 
presented by the deans of the guilds, and selected by them from the 
whole body of inhabitants. These eight could sit, but not vote, in the 
schepens' court, and had a vote in the election of the representative bur- 

Philip the Good caused the court (that is, the new magistracy), and 
the vroedschaap in each town to choose a certain number of notables, 
who should annually present to him a double list of nominations for 
schepens, from which he chose the required number. After 15 19 the 
burgemeesters also were chosen by the notables. It will easily be seen 
that the notables soon came to furnish most of the members of the 
vroedschaap, since they elected the members of the magistracy, which 
gave admission to it. Finally, the notables and the vroedschaap became 
practically identical. Even the burgemeesters, whose office had origi- 
nally been almost like that of popular tribunes, at length came to be 
members of the aristocratic class. Vacancies in their own number the 
notables filled by co-obtation. The schout, for a time designated by 
the Provincial States, later became the appointee of the magistracy. 
Thus the municipal constitutions of the Netherlands acquired a strictly 
oligarchical character, which they retained throughout the war of 
independence, and even down to 1795. 

Perhaps there is no better way to indicate briefly the important 
features of the town governments at the end of the sixteenth century, 
than to quote the following passage from a letter of the States General 
to the Earl of Leicester, written in 1587, and preserved by Van 
Meteren : 

" The city magistracies (z. e. , the vroedschappen, or old councils) consist of from twenty to 
forty, the most considerable persons in the city, and hold as long as they live and continue to be 
citizens. Vacancies by death or removal they fill themselves. 

" These choose the ordinary magistrates, viz. : two, three or four burgomasters, and seven or 
more schepens. In some cities the election is absolute, in others by the nomination of a double 
number, from which the Governor General selects. 

" The burgomasters have the management of the city, both financial and of police. The 
schepens administer justice in both priminal and civil cases. 

" These colleges of magistrates have absolute government of the towns ; the prince having no 
concern with them, unless in establishing some officer who shall in his name demand justice."— 
{Histoire des Pais Bas /, 290.) 



The sketch which has been given of the Dutch municipal constitu- 
tions at the beginning of the seventeenth century, however lacking in 
definiteness of detail, is true of almost all the cities. But if the attempt 
were made to give further particulars, especially in regard to the mode 
of annually renewing the magistracy, the result would be only confus- 
ing. For what would be true of one town would perhaps be untrue of 
another, two or three miles away. It is this wonderful variety, pre- 
served without change for centuries by the conservatism of the Dutch 
burghers, that makes the municipal history of the Netherlands so diffi- 
cult a subject. 

It remains only to describe briefly the judicial and financial arrange- 
ments of the towns. In the Low Countries, regulations in regard to 
jurisdiction and forms of civil and criminal procedure became fixed 
quite early. Within the town, the chief judicial officer was the schout, 
or Count's bailiff. He was assisted by the schepens, who were usually 
unaccustomed to legal proceedings and filled with the prejudices of the 
oligarchy. The vierschaar, or municipal court, judged civil causes in 
the first instance, appeal lying to the Count, or, in later times, to the 
provincial council. Most criminal causes they decided finally. The 
prosecuting officer in most towns was appointed by the Governor Gen- 
eral of the province. The schout could ordinarily make arrests only 
on a burgomaster's warrant. As to the law followed, we are told by an 
English traveler whose book was published at the time of the first set- 
tlements in New Netherland, that they observed the particular by-laws 
of the town and the edicts of the States, but for cases not covered by 
these followed the provisions of the civil law. Evidently in no direc- 
tion had the conservatism of the Dutch yielded so much as in that of 

In cities so devoted to commerce as those of the Dutch were, finan- 
cial arrangements, of necessity, came early to have great importance. 
At first the Counts raised no taxes except from the ascripti glebae, but 
later their need of money caused them to adopt the practice of levying 
arbitrary taxes, called beden or requests. The burgomasters who in 
early times got little pay, while the schepens had good salaries, had the 
disagreeable duty of raising these extraordinary taxes. At the same 
time the Counts derived revenue from the " accyns," or excise,which was 
levied on all ordinary articles of consumption, and from taxes on various 
businesses. But gradually they sold to the burghers the right of wind, the 
right of brewing, measuring, weighing, etc., and the finances of the towns 
came to be managed by its own citizens. In the beginning of the seven- 


teenth century the municipal taxes were heavy and ingeniously compre- 
hensive. Beside the taxes, municipal loans were often raised. In their 
commercial policy, freedom of trade was the rule, at least so far that 
protective duties were rare ; but many towns on the rivers enjoyed the 
"staple-right," or right of compelling passing vessels to stop and offer 
their merchandise for sale first of all in the market-place of the town 
or pay a duty, a custom which we shall see in New Netherland also. 

Such were the municipal institutions under which the founders of 
the settlement on Manhattan had been brought up, and after which 
those of the latter were modelled. So far as any control from without 
was concerned, the Netherland cities enjoyed a singular degree of free- 
dom, but within, their government was highly aristocratic, though in 
many towns the unrepresented class was struggling against the oligarchy. 
Such institutions could find existence only in a mercantile nation, little 
accustomed to speculate upon human rights and political relations, but 
taking a practical, commercial view of their liberties, as things obtained 
by bargain, and too valuable to be lost willingly. 

Let us here turn to the interesting story of the founding of the 
West India Company. It has been related, though with a confused 
arrangement, by Dr. Asher, and by others less correctly. It need not 
here be recounted. Let us proceed at once to the year 162 1 and the 
charter. Those provisions of the long document entitled " Charter, 
granted by the High and Mighty Lords States General to the West 
India Company, in date the third of June, 1621," which are of 
importance to the present study, may be quite briefly stated. They are 
the following : 

" II. That, moreover, the said company may, in our name and authority, within the limits here- 
inbefore prescribed, . . . appoint, transfer and discharge governors, people for war, 
and officers of justice, and other public officers, for the preservation of the places, keeping good 
order, p-dice and justice, and in like manner for the promoting of trade ; more- 
Over, they may advance the peopling of fruitful and unsettled parts, and do all that the service of 
these lands and the profit and increase of trade shall require. 1 

III. Saving that they having chosen a governor-in-chief, and prepared instructions for him, 
they shall be approved, and a commission given by us ; the officers taking an oath of allegiance both 
to the States General and to the Company." 

Certain peculiarities of this charter were destined to have great 
influence on the development of New Amsterdam and its government. 
First, it will be noticed that it gives the governor or director-general 
of any province absolute power over all settlers, and allows them no 
political rights. Second, it imitates the least desirable feature of the 


Dutch constitution, in making- the powers of the board of nineteen del- 
egates similar to those of the States-General, so that, just as the High 
and Mighty Lords States General could take no step without securing 
the approval of the Noble, Great and Mighty Lords, the States of 
Holland and the Noble and Mighty Lords, the States of Zeeland and 
each of the other provinces, nor the latter without the approval of the 
separate cities, so the actions of the XIX were constantly ham- 
pered by the necessity of consulting the five chambers and the 
directors and principal adventurers in the individual cities; and 
during the interminable process of discussing and referring and 
referring back the colonies went to ruin. Third, the Company, taking 
part in the war with Spain, like a State allied to the Netherlands, was 
far more interested in the naval victories of Piet Heyn or the con- 
quests of Brazil, than in the trivial concerns of New Amsterdam. 
Fourth, it relied on the promise of assistance which the States General 
made, and which they had no more ability to get fulfilled by the Pro- 
vincial States than the Continental Congress had to raise taxes. The 
disgraceful neglect of the Provincial States to support the company, 
which was fighting their battles, often brought it nearly to bankruptcy, 
and increased the difficulties against which New Amsterdam was strug- 
gling to such a degree that nothing but its excellent position for trade, 
and the energy and commercial enterprise of Dutchmen could have 
saved it from extinction. Next we turn to New Amsterdam. 

Under a despotism political institutions can never have any but a 
very uneventful history. While the town meetings of Boston and 
Plymouth are earnestly discussing the common affairs, we hear nothing 
from the people of the Dutch post. The company appointed the 
director-general, and the director-general was the government. The 
rise of self-government here has a history of its own. 

The College of the XIX gave the particular management of New 
Netherland to the Amsterdam Chamber. Cornelis Jacobsen May was 
appointed and sent out as the first Director-General, in the spring of 
1623, and formally took possession of the Manhattas in the name of the 
Company. During the brief terms of May and his successor Willem 
Verhulst, the public affairs of the dwellers on Manhattan are not to be 
distinguished from those of the other settlers of the region. With the 
beginning of the rule of the third Director-General, Peter Minnit, in 
1626, we see more definite outlines of a colonial administration. At the 
head of it was the Director-General, assisted by a council, whose mem- 
bers, as well as all other officers of the colony, were appointed by him 


subject to the approval of the XIX. The Director and Council were 
the supreme executive, legislative and judicial body ; but their actions 
were subject to the supervision and appellate jurisdiction of the XIX. 
The second officer in rank was the opperkoopman, or chief commissary of 
the Company, who was at once the keeper of its books and the secretary 
of the province, but had not ordinarily a seat in the council. But a 
greater degree of responsibility seems to have attached to the office of 
the sclioiit-fiscael, sometimes called simply the fiscael. His duties were 
those of a sheriff and public prosecutor. He could make prosecutions 
in behalf of the Company only when requested by the council to do so, 
and could arrest only persons previously informed against, or caught in 
the act. He had no seat in the council, of which he was the chief 
executive officer, but was permitted, when asked, to give his opinion on 
matters of finance or police. He was also to examine the cargoes of all 
ships arriving, and enforce the Company's customs regulations. 

On comparing this simple governmental arrangement with the muni- 
cipal institutions of the Netherlands, and with the familiar constitution 
of the United Provinces, it appears to be formed, as we should expect, 
of elements already in existence in the Fatherland (but in the provincial 
quite as much as in the municipal institutions), modified by the necessi- 
ties of the case in a colony of three hundred, whose purpose was com- 
merce and profit to the Company. Hence it was, for instance, that the 
office of the secretary was so much raised, while that of the schout was 
made subordinate and considerably altered in a commercial direction. 

The fourth Director-General of New Netherland was the famous 
Wouter van Twiller. Irving may have exaggerated his circumference 
and his powers of smoking, but he has scarcely exaggerated his incapacity 
as a governor. Of trade, however, he did know something, and accord- 
ingly what little he originated was intended to further the commercial 
interests of the Company. Van Twiller's one contribution to the con- 
stitution of Manhattan consisted in investing it with the feudal privilege 
of " staple-right," enjoyed, as already mentioned, by many Dutch towns. 
During these four years, the administration, though its form was as pre- 
scribed by the XIX in Minnit's time, was in character what Van Twiller 
chose to make it ; his acts would impress us as very tyrannical, were 
they not so petty and so ridiculous. 

Willem Kieft, who was selected as the successor of Van Twiller, was 
a man of greater ability and more education. But in his government, 
as is well known, he was not at all more successful, partly from lack of 
discretion, partly from arrogance and ambition. The opposition he 


aroused, and the consequent admission of popular representatives to a 
slight share in the governments of the province and of the capital (for 
they were still much the same), are the chief political features of his later 
years of office. In the earlier years the form of government was the 
same as under Van Twiller, except that the council had usually the 
rather amusing form of a board of two, the Director, who had two votes, 
and Dr. La Montagne, who had one ; but the spirit of Kieft's govern- 
ment was one of meddlesome activity in all directions. Beside matters 
properly provincial, the observance of Sunday, the hours of labor, the 
passage to and from the island, and many other matters of police, received 
the benefit of his attention. 

But at last the people grew tired of this over-government, and be- 
gan to make their influence felt even by the absolute Director. The 
occasion was the consideration of a question of external rather than 
municipal policy. One of the settlers having been murdered by an 
Indian, Kieft wished to make immediate war on the tribe. Desiring to 
share with the people the responsibility of such a course, he summoned 
a meeting of the inhabitants of Manhattan and the vicinity on the 28th 
of August, 1641, and submitted to this first popular assembly in New 
Netherland the three questions, whether, how and by whom the murder 
should be avenged. The meeting chose twelve men to consider these 
questions ; they reported adversely, and war was deferred. The twelve 
men were not regarded as a part of the government, but only as a com- 
mittee of a popular meeting consulted in regard to a particular ques- 
tion ; yet they were considered as being permanently the representa- 
tives of the people.- But when they asked for a reform of the local 
government, and reminded the Director that every village of the 
Fatherland had its board of schepens, he replied that he "was not 
aware that they had received from the people any further power than 
to give their advice in regard to the murder of the late Claes Smitz. 
He then dismissed them and forbade them to reassemble. In 1643 the 
prospect of another Indian war compelled Kieft to summon the com- 
monalty again. The Eight men whom they chose, after expelling one 
member, filled his place by co-optation, as a vroedschaap in the Father- 
land would have done ; but their functions remained advisory only, 
though their boldness was increasing. 

The next year the Eight Men were again summoned, but as they 
objected to an arbitrary excise which the Director wished to impose* 
they were treated in the same cavalier manner as before. Indeed, the 
Director's policy was, as they complain in a later Remonstrance, to 


use them only " as a cloak and a cat's-paw." Finally, in the latter part 
of the year, the Eight Men addressed a plain but forcible remonstrance 
to the XTX., showing the lamentable state of the colony, and praying 
for redress. The paper shows the nature of their grievance and their 
belief in municipal self-government as the sovereign remedy. The vig- 
orous protest aroused the Company to the necessity of doing something. 
The affairs of New Netherland were carefully investigated, many 
reforms were resolved upon, and Kieft was removed. The influence of 
the commons was beginning to make itself felt.